
Indian student arrivals nearly halve in the US on Trump visa policy
Total arrivals on student visas fell for the fourth straight month in July 2025, declining 28% to just under 79,000, according to data from the International Trade Administration compiled by Bloomberg. That was also the biggest monthly drop so far this year.
Student arrivals from India fell 46% while China posted a 26% decline.
The twin drops from the two largest sources of foreign students provides a grim snapshot that threatens to disrupt the financial models of US colleges and universities.
To be sure, US universities have already warned that first-time foreign student enrollment on campuses are projected to fall by 30% this autumn, potentially costing the education sector $2.6 billion in tuition revenue.
The sharp downturn follows a series of policy changes and administrative hurdles from the White House around tightening immigration and foreign student scrutiny.
The measures have created a climate of uncertainty and resulted in significant backlogs and delays at US embassies and consulates in key Asian markets.
'There are real reasons for concern,' Zuzana Cepla Wootson, deputy director of federal policy at Presidents' Alliance on Higher Education and Immigration, told Bloomberg. 'It's part of a broader pattern under this administration. The travel ban, expanded screening processes, appointment backlogs—all these create uncertainty for students from China, India and beyond.'
The Trump administration announced a pause in interviews for student visas in late May. In mid June, the US State Department said that it would resume interviews, while also ordering reviews of applicants' social-media profiles. The timing of these policies, during the peak summer visa application season, has been particularly damaging and doesn't bode well for student arrivals in August—historically the peak month for new students entering the US.
The visitor arrival figures don't break down whether those coming in are new or returning students. Many already on student visas may have chosen to stay in the US and not travel this summer due to the administration's scrutiny of international scholars, Wootson said.
Officials at schools with large Asian student populations, such as the University of Southern California, have said that that a continued decline could result in tens of millions of dollars in lost revenue. USC already faces a deficit of $200 million. Arizona State University President Michael Crow meanwhile said visa delays have been more disruptive than the pandemic.
A record 1.1 million international students enrolled in US higher education institutions in the 2023-24 school year, according to Open Doors, which collects data on foreign scholars. India was the top country, with nearly 332,000 students, followed by China with about 277,000 that academic year.
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India.com
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The Print
an hour ago
- The Print
India can't fight Trump tariffs with emotion. Smart talks, sector relief, reforms are key
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The recent escalation of tariffs by the United States against Indian exports has significantly altered the landscape of India-US trade relations. Announced by US President Donald Trump on July 31st and August 6th, 2025, the measures impose a 25% tariff plus a 25% penalty tariff respectively on exports from countries importing Russian oil (in the form of secondary sanctions). India's purchase of Russian oil remains fully compliant with international norms and is guided by cost competitiveness and energy security imperatives. Our analysis shows that USD 60.85 billion around 70% of India's goods exports to the US are now exposed to the 50% tariff. In agriculture, shrimp exports will be worst hit with 50% tariffs higher than those applied to competitors like Ecuador, Indonesia, and Vietnam, in addition to the existing anti-dumping (1.8- 3.0%) and countervailing duties (5.7%) India faces. These are sectors where buyers can switch sourcing relatively quickly, which gives US importers bargaining power and weakens India's negotiating position. The policy brief recommends a three-pronged strategic response. Smart negotiations with strategy, not emotion The US remains too large and too important to write off, especially as India advances trade deals with the UK and EU (DGFT, 2025). Instead, India must work to re-engage US with smart, tactical negotiation, next rounds of which are scheduled this month end. The key sticking point has always been agriculture. US demands on GM products should be addressed on the basis of science rather than ideology. The Vajpayee government had allowed GM cotton, and emphasised the power of science in transforming agriculture, as he quoted 'Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan, Jai Vigyan'. India imposes restrictions on import of soybean and corn from US giving the GM context. 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The argument is simple- if edible oils and pulses can enter at less than 30% duty, there is no logic in maintaining tariffs of 120% on walnuts, 100% on chicken legs, 70% on rice (despite India being the world's largest exporter), 60% on SMP, 45% on soyabean, 50% on corn, apples and 30% on cranberries. Edible oil tariffs are reduced during global price spikes, effectively shielding one sector while leaving others exposed. For non-sensitive goods without strong domestic production capacity such as walnuts (120%), berries like cranberries and blueberries (30%), and breakfast cereals (30%) tariffs could be rationalised. On dairy, India could explore a certification system-similar to halal-that assures buyers the cattle are non-meat fed or pasture-grazed. In dairy, protecting smallholder farmers is the concern, India could adopt a tariff rate quota (TRQ), keeping prohibitive tariffs (similar to what Japan or Korea does) only beyond a certain volume threshold, such as 2 MMT. Annex 4 lists commodities on which India currently levies tariffs exceeding 50% on US imports (WTO, 2025). This inconsistency weakens India's credibility in trade talks. The reality is that high protectionist tariffs breed inefficiency. India should take this as an opportunity to reform like the 1991 moment. The fact is that India needs major reforms in rationalizing its import duties, irrespective of Trump's pressures. Rather than shielding agriculture with blanket protections, India should invest in R&D, improve supply chain efficiency and modernise infrastructure reforms on the scale of the 1991 liberalisation. This adversity should be converted to an opportunity through domestic reforms and India must focus on innovations, high productivity and R&D to enhance our export competitive strength, globally. Above all, India must cool the temperature in negotiations and engage with the US with logic, not emotion. India should not protect one sector risking huge loss to other sectors. 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A temporary subsidy or support scheme, to the tune of 25-30% of export value, could neutralise the tariff differential. Preserving the sector's viability is critical not only for export earnings but for preventing mass layoffs in labour-intensive clusters across India. Likewise, the gems & jewellery sector, anchored by Surat's globally renowned diamond-cutting and polishing hubs, employing lakhs of people, needs immediate fiscal cushioning to prevent erosion of its market share to competitors in Turkey, Vietnam, Thailand etc. Similarly, shrimp exports require urgent support. The states of Andhra, West Bengal and Odisha depend heavily on aquaculture for rural employment and livelihoods (MPEDA, 2025). The new tariffs threaten both livelihoods and political stability, as key state and national leaders will face mounting pressure from affected communities (Reuters, 2025b). 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In Brazil, where India's agricultural exports stood at USD 130.5 million in CY2024 compared with imports of USD 2.91 billion, there is clear scope to bridge the USD 2.78 billion trade gap by targeting high-demand imports such as malt extracts, milk products (including SMP), basmati rice, frozen French fries, fresh apples, and garlic (ITC Trade Map, CY 2024). Africa, with an USD 80 billion agri-import market where India's share is only 8%, offers significant potential under AfCFTA, COMESA, and SACU frameworks to redirect surplus capacity from the US into staples and value-added products ranging from rice (USD 4.2 billion), sugar (USD 1.5 billion), and meat (USD 800 million) to pulses, oilseeds, spices etc (Rath et al., 2025). In ASEAN, India's 2024 exports included meat (USD 1.5 billion), marine products (USD 285.4 million), sugar (USD 167.4 million), groundnuts (USD 620 million), and rice (USD 500 million), with further potential in spices, fresh and processed produce, tea, coffee, oilseeds, dairy, and animal feed. India has a spectacular diplomatic relation with middle east, and the region has annual agri-import demand exceeding USD 100 billion and several GCC members reliant on imports for over 80% of their food needs. This is another key destination already taking rice (USD 5.05 billion), sugar (USD 242.04 million), meat (USD 1.7 billion), and tea (USD 345 million) from India, while also offering strong opportunities in dairy, pulses, oilseeds, fruits, vegetables, packaged foods, etc supported by cold-chain investments and long-term supply contracts (Rath et al., 2025). Conclusion In navigating the Trump's Tariff Blow, India must hold firm to the principle that sovereignty cannot be compromised, especially when external pressures seek to dictate its fair economic choices. India is a rising power and no one can halt its momentum. The path forward lies in smart negotiations that defend national interests which unlock opportunities for growth. This is not a personal battle between leaders, but a matter of national interest especially protecting jobs, securing market access and safeguarding strategic autonomy. India's response must blend tactical flexibility with structural reforms that enhance competitiveness across sectors. India needs to negotiate smartly, provide immediate, targeted relief to highly-hit sectors, and diversify export markets on high priority to navigate the tariff blow. The success of our leaders will be ensuring that short-term disruptions give way to long-term gains, reinforcing India's position as a trusted and indispensable player in the global economy. This is an abstract from a policy brief by the Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER). Ashok Gulati is a Distinguished Professor at ICRIER. Sulakshana Rao is a Senior fellow at ICRIER. Tanay Suntwal is a Research Assistant with the Agriculture Policy, Sustainability, and Innovation Team at ICRIER.

Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
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