Over $8.5 billion in defense deals : How Morocco and the U.S. strengthened military ties
Morocco and the United States have enjoyed a thriving security and defense cooperation in the last two decades, culminating in a series of military purchases, joint security operations, and exercises.
Over the years, Morocco has become the largest purchaser of U.S. military equipment in Africa. Data shared in January 2025 by the U.S. Department of State reveals that the United States has $8.545 billion in active government-to-government sales cases with Rabat under the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) system.
The FMS program is a U.S. government security assistance initiative that facilitates the purchase of U.S. arms, defense equipment, design and construction services, and military training by foreign governments.
Recent major defense purchases made by Morocco under the FMS system include 18 M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) launchers, 40 AGM-154C Joint Stand Off Weapons (JSOW), six Multifunctional Information Distribution System Joint Tactical Radio Systems (MIDS-JTRS), ten GM-84L Harpoon Block II Air-Launched missiles, 25 F-16C/D Block 72 aircraft, 5,810 MK82-1 bombs, 36 AH-64E Apache attack helicopters, eight AN/MPQ-64F1 SENTINEL Radars, 20 AIM-9X-2 SIDEWINDER Missiles, three CH-47D CHINOOK Helicopters, 40 LAU-129A Launchers with 20 AGM-65D MAVERICK Missiles, and a Gulfstream G-550 aircraft.
Looking back, the U.S. Department of State indicates that since 2013, Morocco has received equipment worth $478 million under the Department of Defense's Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program. This initiative transfers surplus U.S. military equipment to allied and partner nations at reduced or no cost. According to the report, this includes 222 M1A1 Abrams tanks, two C-130H aircraft, and 600 M113A3 Armored Personnel Carriers.
Between fiscal years 2018 and 2022, over $167 million worth of defense articles were exported to Morocco through the Direct Commercial Sales (DCS) process, which allows foreign governments to purchase defense equipment, services, or technology directly from U.S. defense contractors rather than through the FMS. The top three defense exports Morocco ordered through the DCS were military electronics, gas turbine engines and associated equipment, and fire control, laser, imaging, and guidance equipment.
In addition to defense purchases, the U.S. has also assisted Morocco through Foreign Military Financing (FMF), a U.S. government grant and loan program that helps allied and partner nations acquire U.S. defense equipment, services, and training. Since 2012, the U.S. has granted Morocco $135 million in FMF, which has helped Rabat maintain U.S.-origin defense articles, boost maritime surveillance to address illegal immigration, smuggling, drug trafficking, and illicit fishing, procure transport and logistics equipment, and upgrade aerial surveillance.
American military assistance to Morocco also includes training and education under the International Military Education and Training (IMET) program, which provides funded military education and training to foreign military personnel. Since 2006, Morocco has received a total of $32 million for IMET, allowing Moroccan students to attend Professional Military Education courses at U.S. service schools annually.
Beyond these U.S. military programs, Morocco has leveraged its Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) status, designated in 2004, to engage in cooperative research and development, reciprocally funded training, and enhanced defense collaboration.
Since the late 1990s, Morocco has hosted the AFRICAN LION training exercise, bringing together U.S. and Moroccan forces alongside participants from over twenty countries and NATO for joint training. Under U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) since 2008, African Lion has grown into the largest joint military exercise on the continent, with thousands of troops participating annually.
Additionally, since 2003, Morocco has maintained a training partnership with the Utah National Guard under the U.S. National Guard State Partnership Program, which provides specialized training and exchange opportunities with the Moroccan Armed Forces.
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Morocco World
22-04-2025
- Morocco World
Beyond Confusion: Boulos's Remarks Reaffirm U.S Recognition of Morocco's Sovereignty
Some of the developments the Western Sahara dossier have seen in the past few weeks may go down in the history of this lingering territorial dispute as announcing the slow but certain death of the suggestion by the Algerian regime and its pro-Polisario allies or sympathizers that President Trump's support for Morocco's territorial integrity was never as deep as many might have hoped. Following recent comments by Secretary Marco Rubio and UN Envoy Staffan de Mistura, Massad Boulos's interview with the Al-Hadath channel and its immediate aftermath are the latest in this chain of developments that confirm the depth of the Trump White House's professed commitment to upholding Morocco's sovereignty over the Western Sahara region. Indeed, while President Trump's senior Africa advisor made comments that could have been used to cast doubt on Washington's commitment to its 2020 proclamation on the Sahara, his rush to set the record straight immediately after the interview suggests that his gaffe was a momentary slip and does not in any way indicate a coming change in the direction of the geopolitical winds blowing on the Sahara dossier. Immediately after the segment in which Boulos addressed the issue began circulating, I received numerous messages from concerned Moroccans asking whether his remarks indicated a potential shift in how the Trump team was handling the Sahara dossier. These concerns were not entirely unfounded — particularly given Boulos's references to points that could be interpreted as favorable to Algeria, such as his claim that 'Algeria is ready to accept any solution accepted by the Polisario,' and his emphasis on the need to 'care for the fate of 200,000 refugees in the Tindouf camps.' Boulos made a serious misstep when he claimed that President Donald Trump's December 10, 2020 proclamation, which officialized Washington's recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara, 'was not absolute, but left the door open for a solution that satisfies all parties.' Judging from some of his talking points, it would appear, that Boulos did not prepare well for this interview. In particular, it was clear from the scope and tone of some his suggestions that he had no read or reviewed the official statement the U.S. Department of State released in the aftermath of the April 8 meeting between Secretary Marco Rubio and his Moroccan counterpart Nasser Bourita. That statement was an exact replica of the one issued by the White House in December 2020, affirming Washington's unequivocal recognition of Morocco's sovereignty. Indeed, what Boulos failed to grasp or properly explain in his remarks to Al-Hadath is the fact that the United States' recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara was unambiguous. Both President Trump's historic tweet on the day he officialized America's newfound stance on the Sahara dispute and the piles of official documents that followed this first public gesture unmistakably suggest that Washington now considers the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only genuine and viable path to a lasting political settlement of the Sahara dispute. In other words, since December 2020, the United States views the Moroccan plan as the only political horizon for the Sahara. A questionable turnaround Following the controversy sparked by his statements, Boulos promptly published a post on his X account reiterating the U.S. administration's steadfast support for Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara. He went further by giving an phone interview to Morocco's Medi1 TV channel less than 24 hours after his interview with Al-Hadath. He used the opportunity not only to rectify his earlier comments and to articulate the U.S. position with greater clarity and consistency, but also to dash any hopes that the Algerian regime may harbor about exploiting his words to undermine Morocco's hard-earned diplomatic momentum. Yet, questions remain. Was that post a coincidence? How was Boulos able to publish it mere hours after his Al-Hadath interview aired? It is highly plausible that the post was made following direct instructions from the State Department — or even the White House — rather than being a spontaneous initiative on his part. Given the sensitivity of the issue, its timing, and the close attention that Morocco's highest authorities pay to every nuance of Washington's position on the Sahara, it is reasonable to conclude that Boulos was perhaps directed to clarify his statements and eliminate any ambiguity regarding the U.S. position on the Sahara. When I later dissected Boulos's interview with Al Hadath, I was surprised by some of his comments. While he did largely reaffirm the U.S. administration's official position, I was struck by his mention of the number of 'refugees' in the Tindouf camps and the need to consider their humanitarian situation — without any reference to the need for a credible census to determine their actual number. He also repeated the notion that Algeria's acceptance of any solution remains contingent on the Polisario's approval. As I argued in my previous article, Algeria's goal is twofold: to gain proximity and favor within Trump's inner circle, and to ultimately prevent any further moves that might accelerate the resolution of the Western Sahara dispute on Morocco's terms. Anyone familiar with Washington' political and diplomatic landscape knows that access to decision-makers is not difficult. All it takes is to have the financial means to hire influential lobbying firms with close ties to key players in the American political establishment, a coherent strategic vision, and the ability to actively and convincingly promote one's narrative. Motives manipulated by Algeria Hearing President Trump's senior Africa advisor make such confusing comments, which controversially depart from the State Department's recent and constant reaffirmation of the United States' unwavering support for Morocco's territorial integrity, leaves one with two possible interpretations. Either he was wittingly or unwittingly influenced by Algeria-linked individuals in Washington who likely provided him with Algeria's preferred talking points, or he was unaware of the implications and significance of his comments because he had done his homework on the subject of the interview. Why am saying this ? Simply because his statements almost perfectly echo the language used by Algeria's official narrative: a discourse designed to obscure facts and mislead international opinion by portraying Algeria as a neutral party to the conflict, while presenting the Polisario as the sole stakeholder whose consent is needed for any proposed resolution. This is a narrative that Algeria has pushed for decades to avoid international accountability and to preserve the political deadlock surrounding the territorial dispute For Boulos to go so far as to claim that the number of 'refugees' in the Tindouf camps stands at 200,000 raises serious questions and strongly suggests that his remarks reflect talking points he likely received directly from Algerian officials via the lobbying firm that represents Algeria's interests in Washington. The debate on Tindouf numbers It is well known that there is a long-standing and highly contentious debate surrounding the actual number of residents in the Tindouf camps. Morocco maintains that the number does not exceed 60,000 at most, while Algeria claims it exceeds 170,000. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) uses the latter in its official estimates, placing the number of refugees at approximately 174,000 — despite the fact that no independent or credible census has ever been conducted to verify this. Morocco firmly contests these UNHCR estimates, arguing that they are not based on any verifiable field assessments or tamper-proof data, but rather on information supplied directly by Algerian authorities, as well as based on the number of food rations distributed annually by the UN and donor countries to meet the camps' humanitarian needs. The UNHCR's ongoing failure to conduct a formal population census in the camps — due to Algeria's repeated and stubborn refusal to allow one — further undermines the credibility of its figures. Most observers and experts familiar with this issue agree that Algeria's opposition to a census or referendum is not accidental, but stems from deliberate political calculations. Algeria has long exploited the alleged number of refugees for two main purposes: first, to create the impression that the majority of Sahrawis reside in Tindouf, and that the population is sufficiently large to justify the establishment of a viable state; and second, to avoid having the world discover the true identities of the camp inhabitants, many of whom Algeria presents as native to the southern provinces of Morocco, while in reality, the majority of them are not. Since Algeria adopted its separatist project in the Sahara, several Western intelligence agencies — most notably from the United States — have cast doubt on the tribal origins of the people in the Tindouf camps. As I explain in my book on the dispute, the CIA published multiple reports in the 1970s and 1980s affirming that the majority of the 'refugees' Algeria had gathered in the Tindouf camps had no genuine connection to the Moroccan Sahara. Instead, they hailed from the Algerian region of Tindouf itself (i.e., Sahrawis of Algeria), as well as from Mauritania, Mali, and even from uncontested Moroccan Saharan areas. Consequently, Algeria has no interest in permitting any formal census of the Tindouf camps' population, as such a process could reveal truths that would undermine the narrative it has carefully constructed and promoted for decades. Algeria's embezzlement of humanitarian aid Another key reason Algeria continues to inflate the refugee numbers is to maximize the financial aid it receives from donor countries and international organizations. The higher the declared population, the more funding Algeria and the Polisario Front receive. It is widely known that both Algeria and the Polisario have, for the past four decades, been involved in the systematic and flagrant misappropriation of humanitarian aid intended for the camps. Numerous reports have documented these practices, most notably a 2015 report by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF), which issued a direct and unequivocal condemnation of senior Algerian and Polisario officials for diverting aid destined for Sahrawi refugees. That same report revealed that Algeria not only inflated the refugee numbers to increase the aid it received, but also imposed a 5 percent tax on the €10 million in annual assistance provided by the European Union — an egregious violation of basic humanitarian and ethical standards in international aid governance. Thus, when President Trump's advisor for Africa claimed that the Tindouf camps house 200,000 people, he inadvertently handed the Algerian regime a gift — lending false credibility to its inflated figures submitted to the UN and giving Algeria a renewed sense of confidence that it can continue to ignore repeated UN Security Council calls for a proper census without facing serious consequences. Ill intent or lack of knowledge? That being said, Boulos's interview with Al Arabiya should not necessarily be interpreted as an expression of ill intent toward Morocco or as a signal that the U.S. administration has suddenly decided to adopt a more balanced stance favoring Algeria. What happened, quite simply, is that Boulos lacks the political experience and subject-matter expertise to navigate such a complex issue — an opening that Algeria may have skillfully exploited to promote its version of the story. Had Boulos been more informed about the dispute, he would have used that interview to stress the need for Algeria to comply with UN Security Council resolutions calling for a comprehensive census of the Tindouf camps, so the international community could determine the actual number of refugees, verify their identities, and assess their tribal and national affiliations. This would end decades of ambiguity and manipulation that Algeria continues to exploit for political gain. It was therefore imperative for Morocco to act swiftly to set the record straight and to clarify its position in no uncertain terms, especially since Boulos's remarks came at a particularly sensitive moment. Just last week, the UN Secretary-General's Personal Envoy to the Sahara, Staffan de Mistura, suggested that Morocco provide 'clarifications' on how it intends to implement the autonomy plan. Bolstered by clear support from both France and the United States, the Moroccan plan is now recognized as the sole credible framework for achieving a final resolution to the dispute. Boulos's statement that U.S. support for Morocco is 'not absolute' opened the floodgates for speculation about the administration's actual intentions: does Washington view the Autonomy Plan as the end point of negotiations, or is it seeking to push for a new phase in which Morocco will be asked to provide additional 'explanations' or make more concessions? The US and the Moroccan cause — an unwavering stance If the United States were to endorse de Mistura's proposal for Morocco to clarify its autonomy offer, it would effectively provide Algeria with a political lifeline — allowing it to continue obstructing progress and avoiding accountability. In this scenario, Algeria would likely push the Polisario to feign willingness to engage in discussions based on the Moroccan initiative — not with the goal of reaching a resolution, but merely to buy time. The Polisario would likely request to 'study' the Moroccan proposal, only to later reject certain elements of it. Entering into negotiations on this basis would enable the Polisario to prolong the conflict — an outcome that clearly serves Algeria's strategic interests. Morocco, however, has been firm and consistent in its stance: the autonomy initiative represents its final political offer, and it constitutes the only viable and realistic basis for any enduring political solution to the regional dispute over the Sahara. For this reason, Morocco could not ildly stand by while a Trump advisor makes statements that could be interpreted as deviating from the clear and principled position previously articulated by the U.S. government. It is unlikely that Boulos would have rushed to give an interview to a Moroccan media outlet without behind-the-scenes involvement from Moroccan authorities at the highest level — who likely urged U.S. State Department and White House officials to correct the record and prevent the kind of misinterpretations that could be exploited by the Algerian regime. Morocco knows that the current geopolitical environment presents a historic opportunity to settle the dispute once and for all, and it will not allow Algeria any openings to stall or weaken the momentum Morocco has built. In this light, Boulos's effort to clarify his earlier remarks was a positive development in itself, suggesting that the back-channel Morocco has likely established with the Trump team is functioning effectively and delivering concrete results. The swift response from the U.S. administration to dispel any doubts about its position indicates its commitment to a final resolution of the dispute — one based on the autonomy plan not as a starting point, but as the endgame. This position further reinforces a growing conviction within U.S. policymaking circles that Algeria — not the Polisario — is the main party to the conflict. And that, for the Algerian regime, represents a nightmare scenario: it has never before had to contend with a U.S. administration this determined to bring the dispute to a close in a manner that safeguards Morocco's full sovereignty over its southern provinces. Samir Bennis is the co-founder and publisher of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.
Morocco World
18-03-2025
- Morocco World
Morocco, US Strengthen Digital Partnership with High-Level AI Discussions
Doha – Moroccan Minister of Digital Transition Amal El Fallah Seghrouchni recently met with a number of senior US officials at the State Department to cement digital partnership between Rabat and Washington, Morocco's Ambassador to the United States, Youssef Amrani, announced on Monday. The meeting sought to advance digital cooperation between Rabat and Washington, building on their joint artificial intelligence initiatives launched last year. 'Productive discussions at the U.S. Department of State between Minister Amal El Fallah and Ambassador Steve Lang, Chief of Cyberspace and Digital Policy,' he posted on X. 'We reaffirmed the strong Morocco-US partnership, advancing cooperation in digital transformation and artificial intelligence to foster innovation and shared prosperity for both our nations. Promising perspectives lie ahead,' wrote the Moroccan diplomat. Ambassador Amrani added that Minister El Fallah, who serves as Minister Delegate to the Head of Government in charge of Digital Transition and Administrative Reform, also held 'a productive meeting at the State Department with Ms. Leila Elmergawi, Director for Strategy and Global AI Policy.' During this meeting, they discussed 'Morocco's ambitious AI Roadmap and the Digital Morocco 2030 plan, reaffirming their commitment to advancing AI development and digital transformation for a prosperous future.' These discussions come on the heels of groundbreaking Morocco-US collaborations in AI. In March 2024, both countries shattered barriers by co-presenting the first-ever UN resolution on artificial intelligence. The resolution, titled 'Seizing the Opportunities of Safe, Secure and Trustworthy Artificial Intelligence Systems for Sustainable Development,' gained support from 123 Member States before its adoption. Following this achievement, in June 2024, both countries established the Group of Friends on Artificial Intelligence for Sustainable Development at the UN headquarters in New York. Read also: US, Morocco Advance Strategic Partnership Under Trump Administration This initiative was launched by Morocco's UN Ambassador Omar Hilale and US Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield. It aims to create a platform for international cooperation on AI development, with a particular focus on supporting developing countries. Former US Secretary of State Antony Blinken acknowledged Morocco's contributions during a UN Security Council Meeting on AI last December. 'This summer, the U.S. and Morocco also established a group at the United Nations, open to all member states, where experts from every region are sharing best practices for adopting artificial intelligence,' Blinken said, describing it as 'real progress.' The North African country is making bold strides in AI adoption. In April 2024, a parliamentary opposition group in Morocco's House of Councilors submitted a bill to regulate the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in the country. Presented by the parliamentary group of the Moroccan Labor Union, the bill aims to address the risks and illegal uses of AI technology while proposing the creation of a National Agency for Artificial Intelligence to oversee AI governance. If approved, the agency would be responsible for implementing and monitoring a national AI strategy, fostering AI talent, and ensuring ethical AI use in Morocco. A recent survey by the Boston Consulting Group (BCG), as part of the 2023 CCI Global Consumer Sentiment Survey, revealed that 80% of Moroccan consumers are aware of ChatGPT, while 38% actively use the AI tool. This positions Morocco as the second-highest user of ChatGPT globally, after India, and the leader in Africa.
Ya Biladi
18-03-2025
- Ya Biladi
Washington hosts U.S.-Morocco talks on digital transition and AI
Washington hosted discussions on Monday, March 17, between Morocco and the United States, focusing on digital transition. «Productive exchanges took place at the U.S. Department of State between Minister Amal El Fallah and Ambassador Steve Lang, responsible for cyberspace and digital policies», stated Youssef Amrani, Morocco's ambassador to Washington. «We reaffirmed the strong Morocco-US partnership, advancing cooperation in digital transformation and artificial intelligence to foster innovation and shared prosperity for both our nations. Promising perspectives lie ahead», wrote Youssef Amrani On the same day, the Deputy Minister in charge of Digital Transition and Administrative Reform held a «fruitful meeting at the Department of State with Ms. Leila Elmergawi, Director of Global Strategy and Policy on AI». Discussions centered on Morocco's ambitious AI roadmap and the Morocco Digital 2030 plan, reaffirming a shared commitment to advancing AI development and digital transformation for a prosperous future, the Moroccan ambassador revealed. As a reminder, in March 2024, Morocco co-sponsored, alongside the United States and the United Kingdom, the first-ever UN General Assembly resolution on artificial intelligence.
