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House Republicans take on Medicaid

House Republicans take on Medicaid

Washington Post13-05-2025
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On Sunday night, Republicans revealed their first draft of a 'big, beautiful bill' House leaders want to get to President Donald Trump's desk ASAP. Part of their plan to offset $4.5 trillion in extending tax breaks from Trump's first term includes $715 billion in cuts to spending on Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act over the next decade. The Congressional Budget Office estimates the plan will push about 8.6 million people off health insurance rolls. The cuts, though objectively large, do not make the deep structural changes to Medicaid that reform crusaders on the right would like.
Where will Republicans land? I'm joined by my Post colleague Catherine Rampell and guest contributor Dominic Pino, a Thomas L. Rhodes journalism fellow at National Review Institute, to discuss the next steps.
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Laura McGann Dominic, as an advocate for Medicaid reform, I might think you'd be optimistic about this bill. But your piece today isn't so much. Why is that?
Dominic Pino The first thing to note is that even under Republicans' current proposal (which is still subject to change), federal Medicaid spending would still increase by around $1.3 trillion over the next 10 years. The budget baseline assumes an increase of just over $2 trillion. Any increase less than that is called a 'cut' by budget-scoring standards, but in real life, we know there's a big difference between slowing a rate of increase and cutting. But I'm not optimistic because Republicans have an opportunity to make more long-lasting structural reforms to the way Medicaid's burden is shared between the federal government and state governments, and they don't seem willing to have that fight. It would be worthwhile to put Medicaid on a more fiscally sustainable trajectory and secure benefits for the most vulnerable, but the politics are too difficult.
Laura Catherine, I assume you are also not feeling positive about the proposal, but for a different reason?
Catherine Rampell Correct. Based on early estimates, this proposal is likely to cause millions more Americans to become uninsured (at least 8.6 million by 2034, per some early CBO estimates leaked by House Democrats). In practical terms, this means millions more people losing access to regular checkups, mammograms, inhalers, cancer treatments, etc., which is always a hardship. But the timing of this could also not be worse. If we're heading into a recession — which is not a fait accompli, but more likely than was the case a few months ago — we will be cutting Americans off from critical benefits precisely when they need them most. And potentially weakening an automatic stabilizer that normally kicks in to help turn the economy toward recovery.
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Laura Dominic, to your point about political fights: Even though the 'cuts' are more about bending the cost curve, at the end of the day, the numbers represent regular people, mostly in red states, in particular, losing their health insurance. How do Republicans resolve this?
Dominic Medicaid is supposed to be an anti-poverty program, especially for pregnant women, poor children and people with disabilities. Policymakers should want enrollment to decline, because they should want people to become richer and stop needing the program. Unfortunately, Trump's signature economic policy, tariffs, is making this argument much harder for conservatives to make because it is making a recession and potentially rising unemployment more likely.
Dominic A second reason enrollment should decline, though, is that many current enrollees are not actually eligible for the program. These are mostly not poor or disabled people, but able-bodied, working-age people who are covered under the ACA expansion. States have every incentive to look the other way on eligibility rules for the expansion population because the federal government reimburses them at a much higher rate than for people who are poor or disabled. This has led to the current situation in which about 700,000 poor or disabled people are on waiting lists while able-bodied ineligible people are enrolled. It's bad for them and bad for the budget.
Catherine To be clear: The numbers I cited were not for declines in Medicaid enrollment alone, but rather increases in total uninsured population. So, they account for people who lose Medicaid potentially switching to other forms of insurance if they can (such as marketplace plans or employer-sponsored coverage). If the goal is to get people off of Medicaid and into other forms of insurance, we should be beefing up those other programs. Instead, the bill's draft language also does not renew enhanced premium subsidies for ACA plans. Trump's 'Marketplace Integrity and Affordability Proposed Rule' will also reduce ACA coverage
Dominic I would also be skeptical of taking CBO estimates on this issue specifically as gospel. They missed big on the effects of Medicaid expansion under the ACA when it was passed. I'm not alleging bias here. It's a hard thing to estimate and well outside CBO's core competence of budgetary impacts. In addition, if states really want to keep more able-bodied people on Medicaid, they always have the option of raising more of their own money to cover the costs. It's supposed to be a joint federal-state program, and the federal share has been growing over time. Federal health-care costs are not sustainable and the deficit is already, as a share of gross domestic product, larger than during the Great Depression.
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Laura Being both optimistic and semi-realistic, where do you each hope the bill lands?
Catherine Honestly, I'd like to see most of the expiring individual-side provisions of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act sunset, as currently scheduled. But neither party has the stomach for that. (Even President Joe Biden wanted to extend most of the expiring individual-side tax cuts, despite unified Democratic opposition to their passage back in 2017.)
Dominic It's hard to say because the Medicaid portion is only one part of many. If the GOP continues to keep Medicaid's structure mostly the same, entertains raising taxes on the rich, keeps most of the Inflation Reduction Act in place, removes or raises the SALT deduction cap, and generally refuses to make significant spending cuts even after blowout spending during the Biden years, they might find it easier to get Democratic votes than to wrangle their small majority on reconciliation. Kamala Harris basically promised to keep the Trump tax cuts for everyone making below $400,000 (which is 98 percent of taxpayers). Democrats would vote for that.
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Laura Any final thoughts on Medicaid?
Catherine I would say I agree with Dominic that we have serious long-term deficit problems in this country and that there is never the political will to deal with them. But I don't think the solution involves purging millions from Medicaid so we can otherwise reduce taxes. The solution is in acknowledging we need higher taxes, and Medicare reform (so easy!)
Dominic Medicaid is supposed to be an anti-poverty program. Medicaid enrollees are now twice as numerous as the number of people in poverty. Enrollment has tripled in the past 30 years. That isn't sustainable, and health resources are being less focused on those truly in need. If it doesn't get reformed now, it will need to be in the future.
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Senate itches to leave amid Trump pressure
Senate itches to leave amid Trump pressure

The Hill

time8 minutes ago

  • The Hill

Senate itches to leave amid Trump pressure

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5 things to know about the Texas special session on redistricting
5 things to know about the Texas special session on redistricting

The Hill

time39 minutes ago

  • The Hill

5 things to know about the Texas special session on redistricting

Texas Republicans are using this month's special session to attempt to lock in the party's majority in Congress by means of weakening or eliminating Democratic districts in the state. As President Trump's approval ratings slide and as Republicans brace for an unfavorable midterm environment, the president has called on the Texas GOP to give him five more seats in a nearly deadlocked House — forcing Democrats into a fight over redistricting they had hoped would happen in 2030, after they had several more years to make gains in the state. Now that struggle likely will take center stage in the special session — originally called by Gov. Greg Abbott (R) to deal with issues like a THC ban and the need for flood warning systems after this month's catastrophic floods — and risks opening up a redistricting arms race around the country. Here are five things to know about the special session on redistricting: How does it work? 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Following redistricting after the 2000 Census, Democrats won 17 House seats during the 2002 election, while Republicans won 15. But in 2004, after the initial redistricting push, those numbers were more than reversed. In the new districts, after trusted incumbents lost their seats, Democrats took just 11 seats — and Republicans 21. How many more districts will be added? In short, it's up in the air. Trump has demanded the state party find him five more seats; lawmakers have not yet publicly released any proposals of a redrawn House map, which is expected to happen after the session begins Monday. Right now, the current partisan breakdown in Texas's delegation in the House is 25 Republicans and 12 Democrats. Significantly, Texas isn't the only GOP-led state planning to redraw its lines this year. Ohio was already planning to undergo the process because of House maps passed in 2022 that did not have bipartisan support. Reps. Marcy Kaptur (D) and Emilia Sykes (D) in Ohio's 9th and 13th Congressional Districts, respectively, are among the most vulnerable and likely to be targeted. Rep. Greg Landsman (D), who represents Ohio's 1st Congressional District in Cincinnati, could also be targeted. How will existing districts be affected? On July 7, Trump's Department of Justice sent a letter to Texas demanding redistricting on the grounds that four majority-minority 'Black-brown' districts were 'unconstitutional racial gerrymanders' under the Voting Rights Act — and urged the state to break them up. The legal analysis in that argument is 'superficial,' Harvard Law School professor Guy Charles wrote after the letter, arguing its purpose was primarily 'to provide a justification for Texas if it redraws those four districts.' 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While the Justice Department in its letter argued 'several Texas Congressional Districts constitute unconstitutional racial gerrymanders,' The Texas Tribune noted that state lawmakers who drew the House maps after the 2020 Census argued they had drawn their lines with no regard for race. How will it impact the midterms? The midcycle redistricting could aid congressional Republicans who are bracing to lose some seats — and their razor-thin majority in the House. If the Texas plan succeeds, it offers a cushion to offset some of their losses — though if Republicans try to claim too many seats, they risk diluting their power and making formerly-safe Republican seats more competitive. There's another risk: Triggering a redistricting arms race around the country. In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) followed the DOJ letter by announcing his own plans to pursue middecade redistricting, House Democrats in other blue states are hoping to see their maps revisited and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) has hinted the party is looking at New Jersey and New York. Those states incorporate the use of a redistricting commission to create their maps, presenting hurdles for lawmakers. What are Texas Democrats doing to respond? Damage control. For Texas Democrats, the model for how to fight redistricting is what they did in 2003 and 2021: Flee the state to deny Republicans a quorum — the necessary minimum number of members present to do business. Neither is a particularly encouraging model, however. Both times, Republicans ultimately passed the legislation in question, and sustaining such a campaign now would be difficult: Legislative Democrats would have to remain in exile until next year's primaries, away from their families and facing $500 fines per person per day. But while the 2003 and 2021 walkouts failed at blocking Republican bills, they did draw national attention and ultimately help the party win a better deal than they otherwise might have. Some party strategists are arguing that a strategic retreat this time, coupled with an aggressive messaging campaign targeting President Trump's unpopular spending bill, could help Democrats turn a debacle into an opportunity, particularly if Republicans overreach.

5 things to know as the GENIUS Act becomes law
5 things to know as the GENIUS Act becomes law

The Hill

time39 minutes ago

  • The Hill

5 things to know as the GENIUS Act becomes law

President Trump signed the GENIUS Act into law on Friday, enacting the first major cryptocurrency legislation. The bill, which sets up a regulatory framework for payment stablecoins, reached Trump's desk after a tumultuous week in the House, in which competing GOP factions revolted over a trio of crypto bills. The chaos brought the House floor to a standstill and resulted in the longest vote on record in the chamber. Republican leaders struck a deal late Wednesday night to move forward with consideration of the bills, unfreezing the floor and allowing votes to proceed on Thursday. The House ultimately voted 308-122 to pass the GENIUS Act, with 102 Democrats joining most Republicans to support the legislation. Here's are five things to know about the newly minted stablecoin law: 'Seal of approval' for crypto industry The signing of the GENIUS Act marks a key milestone for the industry, as the 'first step of the U.S. government really regulating cryptocurrency,' said Rob Nolan, a partner at Duane Morris and a member of the law firm's digital assets and blockchain group. As the first major digital assets bill to clear Congress and receive the president's signature, it imbues the industry with new legitimacy. 'It's a big deal because when you have a law … it essentially gives a Good Housekeeping seal of approval to the industry,' Ian Katz, managing partner at Capital Alpha, told The Hill. 'You now have Congress and the president of the United States signing off on the legitimacy of this industry. 'You can interpret the legislation as encouraging the activity,' Katz said. 'To a lot of people, this is the sort of thing you need to really get an industry to take off.' The passage of the bill marks a sharp reversal of the industry's fortunes in Washington, which just last year still looked somewhat bleak. The industry had struggled to regain its footing after the shocking collapse of crypto exchange FTX in 2022 and the subsequent fraud charges filed against its founder, Sam Bankman-Fried. He was later found guilty and sentenced to 25 years in prison. Under the Biden administration, the industry also contended with former Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) Chair Gary Gensler, who brought numerous enforcement actions against crypto firms. They accused Gensler of attempting to regulate via enforcement, rather than providing clear rules. By contrast, Trump has embraced the industry in his second term, naming David Sacks as artificial intelligence (AI) and crypto czar, inviting crypto leaders to the White House and signing an executive order to create a strategic bitcoin reserve and digital asset stockpile. Broader crypto framework still in the works While the industry secured a key victory with the GENIUS Act, it represents just one part of the regulatory puzzle for digital assets. 'This is just the first little bite at the apple because it really is a small portion of cryptocurrency assets,' Nolan added. Stablecoins are just one type of cryptocurrency. They are tied to another asset, like the U.S. dollar, to maintain a more stable price. Congress has yet to pass legislation creating a broader crypto framework. The key issue at hand is how to split up oversight between the SEC and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. The House last week passed its version of crypto market structure legislation, known as the Digital Asset Market Clarity Act. The Senate, which has moved at a slower pace, is separately preparing to release its own discussion draft. Despite previously aiming to pass both stablecoin and market structure legislation before Congress leaves for its August recess, the White House and GOP leadership are now aiming to wrap up the second key crypto bill by the end of September. Financial regulators take on new responsibilities Under the GENIUS Act, several financial regulators are poised to take on new responsibilities regulating stablecoins. The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) is set to regulate stand-alone stablecoin issuers, while it and the Federal Reserve, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and National Credit Union Administration will regulate institutions they already oversee that issue stablecoins. Stablecoin issuers can seemingly expedite the approval process if they can become chartered banks with the OCC, which has already prompted several stablecoin issuers, including Circle and Ripple, to apply for bank licenses. Banking industry pushes back on crypto charters The banking industry isn't entirely content with the direction in which things are headed and is making its concerns known, particularly on the push by some stablecoin issuers to seek bank charters. In a letter to the OCC on Thursday, several major banking associations questioned whether the stablecoins issuers would be performing the activities of national trust banks and called for the agency to hold off on taking up their applications for now. 'Given these substantial concerns, and the policy, legal and commercial implications that chartering the applicants would have for the banking system, the associations urge the OCC to postpone consideration of the applications,' the banking groups wrote. Traditional players weigh stablecoin adoption Even as some voice concerns, many traditional players in the financial services space are considering or already moving into stablecoins. Bank of America CEO Brian Moynihan said last week that his bank is working to launch a stablecoin, while Citigroup CEO Jane Fraser said her bank was considering such a move, Reuters reported. JPMorgan Chase announced last month it was launching a stablecoin-like deposit token called JPMD, and CEO Jamie Dimon said last week that his company would be involved in stablecoins as well, according to CNBC. Katz said he expects traditional players to 'not let stand-alone stablecoin issuers just grab that potential market.' 'Some of them are probably not even totally convinced that this market is going to be nearly as big as what is being projected, but they can't take any chances,' he said. 'They have to plan defensively and make sure they're not left out in the cold if stablecoins really take off in a big way in the coming years.'

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