Bill to teach Texas kids the dangers of communism — but not fascism — OK'd by House
But the most robust debate centered around what the bill didn't include — teachings on the harms of fascism and Nazism.
'Ignoring one side of the spectrum while scrutinizing another creates an incomplete and potentially misleading historical education,' said state Rep. Vikki Goodwin of Austin, one of several Democrats who unsuccessfully sought to amend Senate Bill 24.
SB 24 would require the State Board of Education to adopt standards for social studies curriculum for fourth through 12th grade. That instruction must include information on 'atrocities attributable to communist regimes' and contrast communism with 'the United States' founding principles of individual rights, merit-based achievement and free enterprise,' according to the bill.
Goodwin said teaching students how fascism sows distrust and discredits Democratic institutions as well as cultivates an us-versus-them mentality will help them recognize when it occurs in the U.S.
Democrats across the nation have often compared the actions of the Trump administration and his allies as that of a fascist regime. It was for this reason that Rep. Jon E. Rosenthal, D-Houston, tried to amend the bill to require teaching about Nazism and its resurgence in Europe and the U.S. today.
'We are seeing signs of rising authoritarianism like the politicization of independent institutions, spreading of disinformation, executive power grabs. Does any of this sound familiar to any of you?' he said before voting against the bill.
Rep. Jeff Leach, R-Plano, said he opposed the proposed changes because he wanted to send SB 24 to the governor as soon as possible.
Leach carried the bill in the lower chamber. Sen. Donna Campbell, R-New Braunfels, authored it.
'I don't want this bill to become a Christmas tree,' Leach said. 'This is about communism alone.'
Reps. Gene Wu and Harold V. Dutton Jr., both Democrats from Houston, raised concerns that students would not be taught that throughout American history, many were falsely accused of being communists. Dutton said some, such as civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., were labeled communists because they were striving to create a more perfect union.
Wu, who later voted against the bill, said it could also lead people who have fled from communist countries to be stigmatized or stereotyped.
Leach said the bill would require the State Board of Education to get input from victims of communism and would give the board time to develop the curriculum, which would roll out in the 2026-2027 school year.
'I don't disagree with the spirit and the intent of Rep. Wu's amendment. I simply do not think it's necessary,' he said.
And Leach got assistance from a Democrat.
State Rep. Richard Peña Raymond of Laredo urged fellow Democrats to vote for the bill, despite their amendments failing, because of the greater good it would produce — to teach that communism is bad and to show Democrats are willing to compromise.
'If we as Democrats continue to take the bait and vote against bills like this, get ready for more. There's not going to be more of us two years from now, there's going to be fewer,' Peña Raymond.
Some Democrats, including Goodwin and Dutton, ultimately voted in favor of the measure.
Earlier this year, Rafael Cruz, a right-wing pastor and father of U.S. Senator Ted Cruz, testified in favor of this bill. He said public schools should be required to teach anti-communism to reaffirm that America is a Christian country.
The same day the House passed this bill, they were scheduled to consider other measures that would require the Ten Commandments to be displayed in classrooms and set aside time during the school day for prayer.
Texas schools are already required to hang donated 'In God We Trust' signs, allowed to replace mental health counselors with unlicensed religious chaplains and are incentivized to use curriculum materials that teach the Bible and other religious texts.
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Vox
a few seconds ago
- Vox
Republicans are making a very simple, unforced mistake with Latino voters
is a correspondent at Vox, where he covers the Democratic Party. He joined Vox in 2022 after reporting on national and international politics for the Atlantic's politics, global, and ideas teams, including the role of Latino voters in the 2020 election. A boy holds a flag a peaceful protest and vigil where six workers were taken by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement on June 18, 2025, in Pasadena, all the talk of a new, lasting multiracial coalition that helped elect Donald Trump, there are clues that this support may be wavering, particularly among Latino voters. Polls show the president's approval rating with this group has plummeted since the last election, and a third of Latinos who voted for him say they are unlikely to back a Republican candidate in the next one. This collapse happened for a few reasons. Latino voters are not only souring on the president generally, but also on his handling of key issues like immigration and the economy — the very topics that boosted his support with them initially. And curiously, this decline in support for the president isn't translating into a surge for Democrats. Instead, many Latino voters express dissatisfaction with both parties. Today, Explained Understand the world with a daily explainer, plus the most compelling stories of the day. Email (required) Sign Up By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply. This shifting dynamic suggests that both parties have been operating on flawed assumptions over the last few years. Democrats made the mistake of treating Latinos as a monolithic group, focusing on social justice issues while failing to address economic concerns that were pushing these voters toward the GOP. Now, Republicans may be poised to make a similar mistake. They have largely viewed these voters as Republicans-in-waiting, banking on a rightward drift that they assume extends to the most extreme parts of the conservative social agenda. This approach risks alienating a large segment of the Latino electorate. Ultimately, both parties are learning a crucial lesson: Demographics aren't destiny, and they need a more nuanced understanding of this diverse and rapidly changing group of voters. The Democrats' shrinking Latino majority Over the last decade, Trump has remade the American electorate with the help of Latino voters. Back in 2016, his highly racialized and polarizing election victory resulted in one of the worst performances with Latino voters in modern history, winning fewer than three in 10 Hispanic and Latino voters, well below average for Republican candidates. But splits began to develop among Latino communities in the US over the next few years. Working class, non-college educated, and male Latinos, as well as those from Florida and the Southwest, began to drift away from Democrats, particularly at the national level. They were more intrigued by Republican pitches centered around the economy, small business growth, and affordability. At the same time, Democrats were hesitant to admit they had an issue with the Latino population, quibbling over messaging and campaign investments while missing the plot. By the time of the 2020 election, Trump had managed to not just recover his party's losses in 2016, but expand on them, shrinking the Democratic advantage with Latinos by nearly 20 points. Democrats, it turns out, misread Latino voters' priorities and beliefs, gradually losing support from the peak they had from 2012 to 2016 (when Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton enjoyed 40-point margins). The party largely approached Latinos as 'voters of color,' marginalized minorities who could be mobilized through appeals to identity, immigrant solidarity, and social justice. For some time, this worked, but Latinos weren't behaving like a monolithic group. Instead, Latinos would fracture and become more dissimilar during this time, with various kinds of evangelicals, border residents, naturalized immigrants, and working class Latinos remaining or becoming more conservative as the Democratic Party and its white, college-educated base became more progressive. Particularly on issues like crime, immigration and the border, and gender roles and identity, the liberal positions that Democrats took — or were portrayed to take — were out of step with the views of many conservative and moderate Latinos from 2020 to 2024. In 2021, the Pew Research Center found that the most liberal, educated, and politically engaged Democrats exerted outsized influence on their party. By the 2024 election, this created an opening for Republicans, as Latino voters expressed greater openness to Trump and the GOP's stances on the economy, immigration, and abortion. By then, their votes had begun to follow some of their beliefs. Republican gains came quickly As Democrats stumbled, Republicans stuck to a different approach: treating Latinos as a new kind of white voter. They doubled down on a hawkish and xenophobic immigration message that seemed to resonate with a large minority of Latinos, spoke of the border as an issue of crime and public safety, and talked nonstop about prices and affordability to exploit the lack of trust in Democrats' stewardship of the economy. Republicans sought to make the old Reagan line that, 'Hispanics are conservatives, [but] they just don't know it yet,' come true by hammering home the idea that Kamala Harris and the Democratic Party were too radical and out of touch. This approach worked. Latinos concerned with immigration and the economy shifted to Republicans, and Trump posted a double-digit boost in support among Latinos, shrinking the Democratic advantage another 20 points. Continued Latino support is not a given An array of data suggest that this advantage is looking more short-lived, largely because Republicans aren't taking into account the nuances of Latino voters. The GOP still did not win a majority of Latinos last year — and much of the boost was from disaffected Democrats or more moderate, disengaged Latinos who don't have the same strong ideological leanings as the primarily white MAGA base. Latino voters are rapidly changing, existing as both a racial minority and an assimilating, formerly immigrant generation. The most recent evidence for this divergence comes from two research projects undertaken by the Democratic-aligned Equis Research group. In the spring, they tracked growing dissatisfaction among Latino voters with Trump's handling of the economy, cost of living, and immigration. Even among what Equis calls 'Biden defectors,' those former Democrats who switched to supporting Trump in 2024, a slight majority were beginning to turn on Trump's economic policies. This dynamic extended to immigration, where an overwhelming majority of all Latino voters thought the administration's actions were 'going too far and targeting the types of immigrants who strengthen our nation.' Some 36 percent of Trump-voting Latinos said the same thing, and a majority of Biden defectors, some 64 percent, felt the same way. This suggests some degree of remaining immigrant solidarity among these swingier, evolving segments of the Latino electorate and disapproval over how mass deportations and aggressive anti-immigrant policies will affect law-abiding immigrants and their families. Nearly two-thirds of Latinos in Equis' polling believe that the Trump administration's actions 'will make it difficult for hardworking Latinos to feel safe, by increasing racial profiling and harassing all Latinos regardless of immigration status.' In other words, there is a limit to what various kinds of Latino voters are willing to stomach. The same dynamic is becoming more clear with regards to the economy, where Latino voters, and new Trump voters specifically, are unhappy with the state of the economy. Biden defectors, Equis finds, are net negative on Trump's economic policies: -6 percent of support in May and -8 percent in July. Whether this dynamic not only hurts the GOP but also helps Democrats is unclear. Although many Latino voters still believe Republicans favor the wealthy over the working class, this long-standing sentiment is no longer pushing them toward the Democratic Party. Instead, they increasingly distrust both parties on this question. But together, these signs suggest that the GOP is going too far with their policy and ideological mission in Trump's second term, turning off the new converts they won to their coalition over the last 10 years. Where the parties go from here The two major parties are making errors with Latino voters. Both have to moderate their policy and ideological approaches while bringing more nuance to how they campaign. Latinos do have some things that bind them together, and they are not just like white voters who can ignore discrimination and scapegoating and uprooting of their extended community's lives (as immigration enforcement is showing). At the same time, they need to be talked to with more nuance. Democrats tried to do this in 2024, moderating on immigration, dropping the usage of the term 'Latinx,' and investing in hyper-specific, hyper-local campaigning with various kinds of Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, Puerto Ricans, and others. But there was only so much campaigning they could do when facing a wave of anti-Biden, anti-incumbent electoral sentiment. Republicans, meanwhile, toned down immigration talk and zeroed in on subgroups of the Latino electorate in battleground states in 2020. They appealed to religious and ideological conservatives — Cuban, South American, and Puerto Rican communities in Florida, as well as border communities in Arizona, Nevada, and Texas. Some of this nuanced campaigning did carry over to 2024, but it focused more on young and male Latinos in general. And 2024 saw a return to a kind of dog-whistle, racialized, and anti-immigrant scapegoating, which helped the anti-incumbent tide.


Newsweek
a few seconds ago
- Newsweek
Texas Democrat Refuses To Leave Capitol Overnight in Redistricting Standoff
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. A House Democrat has refused to leave the Texas Capitol overnight to protest the latest Republican move in the ongoing redistricting standoff. State representative Nicole Collier has said she will stay in the building until Wednesday to protest a Republican requirement forcing Democrats who fled the state to have police escorts to and from the House to ensure they turn up to vote. Why It Matters Earlier this month, Collier and 50 other Texas Democrats traveled to Illinois, New York and Massachusetts to stop a vote on a new redistricted map, drawn up by the Republican Party and thought to favor the GOP's chances in upcoming elections. The Democrats accused the GOP of gerrymandering, and the GOP in turn called out the Democrats for disrupting the passage of legislation. After two weeks of fighting, which included legal threats and the issuing of arrest warrants, the Democrats returned to the House for a session that ended without a vote on the redistricting bill. A plainclothes state trooper, center, shadows Texas state Representative Toni Rose as she shows her permission slip to the media and prepares to leave the House Chamber in Austin, Texas, on August 18. A plainclothes state trooper, center, shadows Texas state Representative Toni Rose as she shows her permission slip to the media and prepares to leave the House Chamber in Austin, Texas, on August 18. AP Photo/Eric Gay What To Know Upon Democrats' return to the state Capitol, speaker Dustin Burrows said they could leave the House floor only with written permission and if they agreed to be under the custody of a law enforcement officer until the House's next meeting on Wednesday. Collier refused to participate in this arrangement and was not allowed to leave the House floor without an escort. On X, an account for the Texas House Democratic Caucus began a livestream on Monday night showing Collier in the House. Representative Gene Wu, the chair of the Texas House Democratic Caucus, posted a photo on X showing food items Collier had with her, which included dried peaches, popcorn and instant noodles. Thank you for all who are watching the @TexasHDC livestream. @NicoleCollier95 & I have snacks! For those asking, the livestream does not have audio. #txlege — Gene Wu (@GeneforTexas) August 19, 2025 What People Are Saying State representative Nicole Collier said in a statement: "I refuse to sign away my dignity as a duly elected representative just so Republicans can control my movements and monitor me with police escorts." U.S. Representative Jasmine Crockett, a Democrat from Texas, wrote on social media: "As a former Texas State Rep, let me be clear: LOCKING Rep. Nicole Collier inside the chamber is beyond outrageous. Forcing elected officials to sign 'permission slips' & take police escorts to leave? That's not procedure. That's some old Jim Crow playbook." She added: "Texas Republicans have lost their damn minds." Representative Gene Wu, the chair of the Texas House Democratic Caucus, said in a statement: "We killed the corrupt special session, withstood unprecedented surveillance and intimidation and rallied Democrats nationwide to join this existential fight for fair representation—reshaping the entire 2026 landscape." Gary Bledsoe, the president of the Texas NAACP, said in a statement: "The quorum was made, so her constitutional action in representing her district cannot now provide the basis for her detention." Texas House Speaker Dustin Burrows said: "Members who have not been present until today, for whom arrest warrants were issued, will be granted written permission to leave only after agreeing to be released into the custody of a designated DPS officer appointment." What Happens Next As Texas' redistricting plans proceed, similar measures are brewing in other Republican states. The U.S. Supreme Court is reviewing a dispute over redistricting in Louisiana and earlier this year overturned a lower court decision that ruled South Carolina's congressional map was unconstitutional. California Governor Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, has said he will retaliate against Republican redistricting efforts by redistricting the Golden State to favor his party.
Yahoo
28 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Can Beau Bayh and that 'incredible surname' reignite the hopes of Indiana Democrats?
Beau Bayh has reentered the chat. Bayh has been in Indiana's spotlight since he and his twin brother were born to a sitting Indiana governor: Evan Bayh. Their mom, the late former Indiana First Lady Susan Bayh, even gave a post-delivery interview from the hospital in 1995. Now, all grown up at age 29, some Indiana Democrats hope the younger Bayh is their best hope to regain a shred of the political power and relevance they had when the elder Bayh was in office. Beau Bayh isn't quite ready to share his plans, but he looks and sounds lately like he's about to run for political office here. Speaking to a room of about 175 Indiana Democrats down near French Lick over the weekend, Bayh spoke of standing up to the powers that be. Rebuilding the middle class. The broken bonds between the people and politicians. The Harvard graduate and U.S. military member told IndyStar he's currently moving back to Indianapolis from Bloomington, following his judicial clerkship for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. But he signaled more could be coming soon. 'I'm going to take the next month or so to get settled,' he told IndyStar over text. 'But I'm sure of one thing: we need a change in our politics. More unity, less division. More progress, less partisanship. More elected officials who represent the public interest and not the special interests or themselves.' Meanwhile, speculation is high that he's considering waging a bid against Secretary of State Diego Morales, and if Bayh could make inroads for Democrats as they keep losing statewide elections. 'If you can get someone at the top of the ticket people are excited about, it's easier to ask people to write a check, knock on doors or go to this and that event,' said Greg Shufeldt, a University of Indianapolis political science professor, when asked about the prospect of Bayh running. 'Those are all good things for the Democratic party even if the on-the-ground reality makes it a tough fight for any Democrat.' Getting people excited doesn't appear to be out of reach for Bayh, if the reception at a recent Orange County Democratic Party event translates statewide. County Chairman Larry Hollan had to add two extra tables to the American Legion hall where Bayh served as keynote speaker on Aug. 15 due to an increase in ticket sales that he thinks was driven by interest in Bayh. 'They hung onto his every word,' Hollan said. 'You could hear a pin drop when he was speaking. He held the audience in the palm of his hand.' Bayh didn't make any announcements at the dinner, but did show up with two heavyweight supporters: his dad and Mayor Joe Hogsett. 'It was a mini reunion, you might say,' Hollan said. '(The elder Bayh) also felt welcome but … Beau was the star of the show.' Could Beau Bayh turn around Democrats' chances in Indiana? Even for a Bayh, running for a statewide seat in Indiana is going to be an uphill battle, according to political analysts contacted by IndyStar. The fundamentals of the state are just so heavily tilted against Democrats at this point, said Shufeldt. 'Our politics have become increasingly nationalized and candidate attributes, including last name, matter less and less,' Shufeldt said. 'The letter for the party after your name tends to matter a whole lot more. Devoid of anything specific to his candidacy, any Democrat faces an intense uphill fight.' Democrats thought state races could be close, but Republicans clobbered. What happened? Shufeldt said that, on paper, Democrats have run some good candidates recently. All got handily defeated electorally. Republicans haven't won a statewide race since U.S. Sen. Joe Donnelly squeezed out a win against Richard Mourdock in 2012. 'Evan Bayh lost quite comfortably to Todd Young, and I think people thought that would be a lot closer,' Shufeldt said, harkening back to the 2016 U.S. Senate race featuring Beau Bayh's dad. Still, Republicans have seemed eager to pounce on Bayh's candidacy. "The guy seems genuinely nice and I appreciate his military service… but this is the secret weapon we've heard about for 6+ years that's going to save the Indiana Dems?" state Rep. Kyle Pierce, R-Anderson, posted on X after Bayh's recent appearance on a liberal podcast. "Bayh barely wants to talk policy, avoids sharing his ideological beliefs and barely shares any vision of public service besides his personal desire to do it." 'Incredible surname' A win for a Democrat statewide now would require a fortuitous confluence of events for the candidate, Shufeldt said. 'It's a lightning in a bottle thing,' he said. However, University of Indianapolis political science professor Laura Merrifield Wilson said Bayh has some key advantages that other Democratic candidates would lack, including that 'incredible surname.' 'You're talking about a great legacy in terms of public service,' Wilson said. 'It's hard not to think 'Evan' and 'Birch.'' Along with that name ID comes access to fundraising, polling and public relations resources that other startup candidates would have to work harder for, Wilson said. Bayh could have access to an impressive war chest right off the bat if his dad is feeling generous: Evan Bayh's Senate campaign committee had about $2 million in the bank as of June, according to FEC records. Federal candidates are permitted to donate to statewide candidates subject to state law. 'It's all of the mechanisms you'd need to have a successful campaign,' Wilson said. 'He'd have a foot in the door to begin that first step. It would be a really good strong start.' Questions about his candidacy remain though, Wilson said. Namely around policy. The younger Bayh is largely undefined. Is he a centrist Democrat like his dad or does he lean more progressive? 'I do wonder policy-wise what he has to bring to the table,' Wilson said. 'That's really the struggle to find what their niche is to attract Hoosier voters. I don't know what he has to offer in terms of that.' Contact senior government accountability reporter Hayleigh Colombo at hcolombo@ or follow her on X @hayleighcolombo. Sign up for our free weekly politics newsletter, Checks & Balances, by IndyStar political and government reporters. This article originally appeared on Indianapolis Star: 'Incredible surname': Can Beau Bayh help Indiana Democrats finally win? Solve the daily Crossword