
Six bills passed by voice vote
The opposition members had walked out of the House so no amendments listed in their names were moved.
The five bills, which the House passed by voice vote, were concerned with working hours of employees and other conditions in workshops, rules governing gig workers, coverage of shops and business establishment across the state, as well as those related to Bihar Agriculture University (Sabour, Bhagalpur) and the state animal breeding rules.
The Jannayak Karpoori Thakur Skill University Bill, 2025, Workshop (Bihar Amendment) Bill, 2025, Bihar Shops and Establishment (Employment Rules and Service Conditions) Bill, 2025, and Bihar Platform Based Gig Workers (Registration, Social Security and Welfare) Bill, 2025, were tabled separately by labour resource department minister Santosh Kumar Singh for passage by the House.
On the other hand, deputy CM and agriculture minister Vijay Kumar Sinha moved the Bihar Agriculture University (Amendment) Bill, 2025, which streamlines the process for making appointments through the state govt's own agency, and not by any private agency. Animal and fishery resources minister Renu Devi moved the bill related to the rules having bearing on the breeding of animals.
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Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
House adjourned for 10 mins amid protests over coal-handling cess
Speaker Ramesh Tawadkar adjourned the House for 10 minutes on Friday after opposition MLAs rushed to the well in protest of state govt's failure to collect green cess on coal-handling from Jindal and Adani. The legislators vehemently declared that they did not want coal in Goa. Opposition leader Yuri Alemao alleged that the two companies handled double the amount of coal than the permissible limit, and that govt had failed to recover around Rs 4,000 crore from them. He also said that coal imports increased after the cessation of ore mining in 2012, and that even though everyone objected to coal-handling at the Mormugao port during subsequent public hearings, the activity was still recommended for environmental clearance (EC). Alemao further said that the Goa State Pollution Control Board (GSPCB) had reduced coal-handling at the port by 25% based on a letter by former chief minister Manohar Parrikar, but it was reversed following Parrikar's death. He told the House that the environment department had written a letter calling for a decrease in coal-handling at the Mormugao port and that this letter was put in the public domain at a public hearing. He asked whether the letter was ultimately sent to New Delhi to be included in the coastal zone management plan. While chief minster Pramod Sawant said it was, Alemao claimed it was never sent. 'My charge is that the EC was illegally granted as state govt hid the letter and did not send it to Centre,' the opposition leader said. Sawant responded that all the documents placed at the public hearing were sent to Delhi. Alemao also accused govt of allowing illegalities at the Mormugao port pertaining to coal-handling, but Sawant insisted that govt was not allowing any illegalities there and that coal was handled according to the limit. Environment minister Aleixo Sequeira said the import and export of coal are monitored by the GSPCB, and agreed with the figures pointed out by Alemao. Sequeira said that the GSPCB had not given any permission to increase coal-handling at Mormugao port as there is no bypass road for its transportation. He promised that in the next assembly session, he would provide the correct coal-handling figures. Alemao pointed out that Sawant claimed coal was handled as per the EC limit, but that the environment minister contradicted the chief minister. 'Jindal and Adani are handling double the amount of coal compared to the EC limit,' Alemao said. 'Jindal has not paid green cess since 2013, which amounts to Rs 3,000-4,000 crore, and it needs to be recovered. When will it be recovered?' Sawant replied that govt had recovered green cess on coal-handling. His response didn't sit well with the opposition, prompting them to rush to the well of the House.>


The Hindu
6 hours ago
- The Hindu
Nationalist agendas fuelled the border fight between Thailand and Cambodia
On the morning of July 24, Thai and Cambodian troops clashed at multiple locations along their 800-km border. Following five days of fighting that resulted in 43 deaths (including civilians) and the displacement of more than 300,000 people, both sides arrived at a ceasefire that took effect on July 29. Mediated by ASEAN chair Malaysia, with help from China, and under the looming threat of U.S. tariffs, the truce appeared to largely hold despite claims of breach by both parties. After the agreement came Cambodia's call on July 31 for the release of its 20 soldiers detained for crossing into Thai-held territory after the truce. Bangkok has acceded, but only upon the fulfilment of legal procedures — proof that the peace deal, despite putting a temporary halt to the fighting, is a minor respite at best. For the roots of the conflict can be traced back to pre-colonial times; and with domestic politics, international scam centres and nationalism coming to the mix, multiple interests are at stake, complicating matters further. Rise of tensions Prior to the latest clashes was the May 28 incident in which a Cambodian soldier was killed. Tensions ran high, forcing the then-Thai Prime Minister, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, to ring up strongman and Cambodia's former Premier Hun Sen on June 15 to placate the situation. As a leaked version of their conversation showed, Ms. Paetongtarn, whose family shares close ties with the Cambodian leader, sounded deferential by referring to him as 'uncle' and labelling a Thai military General as 'opponent'. The ensuing fallout, which cost Ms. Paetongtarn her job, is widely believed to have been orchestrated by Mr. Hun Sen to deflect attention from the international cyberscam centres operating in his country. Apart from inviting global scrutiny, these scam offices are also alleged to be run by the Cambodian government's allies and possess links to China — Phnom Penh's biggest benefactor. Another incentive for Mr. Hun Sen to stir the pot is to whip up nationalist sentiments and boost the credentials of his son Hun Manet, sworn to office in 2024, 33 years after his father relinquished power. For Mr. Hun Sen — who once called Ms. Paetongtarn's father and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra his 'god brother' — Thailand, with its delicate political landscape owing to the presence of the monarchy and the military, presents itself as a soft target. Separately, Mr. Hun Sen is also accused by his opponents of adopting a soft stance towards Vietnam, whose Army in 1979 overthrew the Khmer Rouge and installed the 72-year-old Cambodian People's Party in power. Also on Mr. Hun Sen's mind is the Thai government's proposed casino legalisation Bill, which may adversely impact Cambodia's gambling sector. Thus, bringing down the Shinawatras' Pheu Thai party is a one-stop solution to all his problems and seemed plausible too, given that, with Ms. Paetongtarn suspended from duty and Mr. Thaksin facinglese majestecharges for 'insulting the monarchy', the Shinawatras are already out of favour with the Thai citizens. Nationalist rhetoric However, nationalist rhetoric is not restricted to Cambodia alone but is an overarching sentiment in Thailand, too. A 2003 remark by a Thai actress, in which she said Cambodia had 'stolen' Angkor Wat and that she would not visit the country until the monument was returned, sparked anti-Thai riots. Taken in isolation, the statement may not carry much weight. But when placed in the larger context, it reflects the overall mood of a country, which, while priding itself as the only one in the region to be not subjected to Western colonisation, still perceives itself as a victim. This is because history has been equally unkind to both Cambodia and Thailand. Between the 7th century and the 14th century, the Khmer Empire ruled over a vast tract of the mainland in Southeast Asia. During its heyday in the 12th century, the Khmer empire comprised Cambodia as well as parts of present-day northeastern Thailand and southern Vietnam. The power structure was based on the Mandala system, which consisted of concentric circles of centre-peripheral relations. Weak territoriality and a loose central authority marked the setup, writes Path Kosal in a chapter in the book,Cambodia's Foreign Relations in Regional and Global Contexts. This ensured that Angkor kings were able to rule unchallenged over their allies and vassals who presided over the periphery independently. Trouble began to brew for the Khmer empire from the time of Angkor's fall in 1431. It faced threats from Siam (Thailand), which began conquering land from the northeast, and Annam (Vietnam) from the southeast; to the point that King Norodom turned Cambodia into a French protectorate in 1863 in the hope of security. While Cambodia's apprehensions of shrinking boundaries and constant threats have roots in pre-colonial times, Thailand's fears partially stem from the happenings that followed the establishment of the French protectorate. Though the multiple treaties signed between the French and Siamese in 1904 and 1907 serve as the bases for the present-day border between Cambodia and Thailand, many discrepancies exist to date; one of the prime examples being the tussle over the Preah Vihear temple — a 12th-century monument claimed by both countries. While the temple and a 1 sq. km area around it were ruled in Cambodia's favour by the International Court of Justice, a 4.6 sq. km patch near it is still contested territory. The verdict spurred a conflict between the two nations over the area in 2011, resulting in 28 casualties, including both military personnel and civilians. Preah Vihear is merely emblematic of the crisis. Similar temples, such as the Ta Moan Thom around which the latest shootout transpired, exist as bones of contention. The temples were built during the reign of the Khmer Empire. As is the case with empires, they rise and fall. And wars fought among the neighbouring kingdoms have seen the borders shift and temples change ownership. Like in many other conflicts, here too, the fire may have been lit during the time of conquests and colonialism. However, the nationalists and the ruling class of both countries – Cambodia has an authoritarian regime and Thailand's is a coup-prone establishment — have seen to it that the flames were fanned throughout history to suit them.


United News of India
7 hours ago
- United News of India
Both Houses of Parliament adjourn amid Opposition ruckus over SIR in Bihar
New Delhi, Aug 1 (UNI) Both Houses of Parliament adjourned for the day today following persistent protests by Opposition over Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in Bihar. Lok Sabha witnessed two adjournments while Rajya Sabha one. Lok Sabha was first adjourned upto 2pm shortly after it assembled for the day. After the Lok Sabha convened at 2 PM, Presiding Officer Krishna Prasad Tenneti called for the proceedings of the House. However, the Opposition members trooped into the Well of the House shouting slogans like "SIR pe charcha ho (hold discussion on SIR), Loktantra ki hatya band karo (Stop murder of democracy), SIR wapas lo (withdraw SIR). Some members were even holding placards with slogans written on them. Objecting to their actions, the Presiding Officer reiterated, "We've repeatedly told you not to bring placards or disrupt the House in this manner. You are not following the rules. I once again urge you to return to your seats." Tenneti said, "The Representation of Scheduled Tribes in Assembly Constituencies of the State of Goa Bill, 2024, has been pending for a long time. Twice I have requested for a discussion". Meanwhile, Union Minister Arjun Ram Meghwal said that the bill aimed at enhancing representation for tribal communities in Goa. Addressing the Opposition, he questioned, 'By obstructing proceedings, are you opposing the bill? Are you against the tribals?' The presiding officer again requested, "This is a very important Bill. we are talking about the tribals of Goa. There is no representation of tribals and don't you want this discussion?" However, the commotion continued. The Chair then adjourned the house to meet again on August 4, (Monday) at 11 AM. As soon as the House met for the day, Speaker Om Birla called for the question hour. Opposition members immediately entered the well of the House holding placards and raising slogans. The Speaker objected to their actions and urged the agitating members to allow the House proceedings to continue. The sloganeering persisted as the protesting members ignored the Speaker's repeated appeals. The Opposition continued with sloganeering and Birla adjourned the House till 2 PM. Meanwhile, similar scenes were witnessed in the Rajya Sabha. As soon as the Upper House convened for the day, Opposition members raised slogans demanding an urgent discussion on the alleged irregularities in the Bihar voter list revision. The uproar led to an early adjournment till 12 noon. When the House reassembled, the protests resumed, prompting Deputy Chairman Harivansh to adjourn proceedings for the day. Harivansh informed the House that he had received 30 notices from members across party lines under Rule 267 seeking suspension of business to allow discussions on a range of issues. Among them were Prof Manoj Jha (RJD), Tiruchi Siva (DMK), Neeraj Dangi, Rajni Patil, and Renuka Chowdhury (Congress), Sagarika Ghosh (Trinamool Congress), and John Brittas (CPI-M), all of whom sought debate on the Bihar SIR. Additional notices were submitted by members on diverse issues: rising violence against women in Odisha (BJD members Niranjan Bishi, Sultadevi, Sasmit Patra), alleged discrimination against Bengali workers in other states (Trinamool MPs Sameerul Islam and Mausam Noor), the arrest of two nuns in Chhattisgarh (AA Rahim, CPI-M), US tariffs on Indian products (Sanjay Singh, AAP and Ramjilal Suman, SP), and layoffs in the IT sector (V. Sivadasan, CPI-M). The Deputy Chairman clarified that none of the notices met the procedural requirements and were therefore disallowed. As Ashok Kumar Mittal (AAP) was called to speak during zero hour, Opposition members stormed the well of the House, raising slogans such as 'Stop Vote Theft' and 'Raise Your Voice on SIR'. Harivansh appealed for order, reiterating that the Election Commission is a constitutional authority and the matter is sub judice before the Supreme Court. 'The conduct of the House is governed by rules, and the nation is watching,' he remarked, before adjourning the session. UNI RBE AJ RB