
Lee adviser stresses S. Korea-US alliance, trilateral ties with Japan in talks with White House officials
Kim Hyun-chong, former trade minister, made the remarks as he met with Trump administration officials in Washington to discuss a wide array of issues, including new US tariffs on South Korea, bilateral trade and security threats from North Korea.
Lee of the liberal DP has been leading in various polls ahead of the June 3 presidential election. In this week's National Barometer Survey poll, Lee garnered 43 percent support, trailed by former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo with 23 percent and former Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo of the conservative People Power Party with 12 percent.
"What I told the US side was that the position of candidate Lee and the DP is that the South Korea-US alliance is of great importance, that we should upgrade it if possible, and that there is a need to strengthen trilateral cooperative relations among South Korea, the United States and Japan," he told reporters in front of the White House.
His remarks came amid lingering speculation that a liberal administration in Seoul might pay more foreign policy attention to relations with China as well as longstanding historical issues with Japan, whereas a conservative one prioritizes the alliance with the US and leans toward enhancing cooperation with Japan.
Apparently brushing aside such speculation, Kim underscored the need for closer cooperation with Japan.
"Given the current circumstances and global landscape, South Korea and Japan should closely cooperate," he said. "From my standpoint, bilateral cooperation should proceed at a level seen when Choshu and Satsuma cooperated."
He was referring to a military and political partnership formed in 1866 between the two powerful feudal domains in Japan, Satsuma and Choshu, to overthrow the Edo shogunate, the military government during the Edo period from 1603 to 1868.
During the talks at the White House, Kim also touched on tariff and trade-related issues.
South Korea and the US have been in consultations over tariffs and economic and industrial cooperation as Seoul is seeking to secure exemptions from Trump's 25 percent "reciprocal" tariffs and other sectoral tariffs, including 25 percent duties on automobiles and certain auto parts.
Trump has paused reciprocal tariffs on Korea and other trading partners until July 8 to allow for negotiations.
On auto part tariffs, Kim told US officials that in light of South Korea's free trade agreement with the US, the two sides should craft a solution that can be reached "at a level acceptable" to the Asian ally.
"About 67 percent of South Korea's trade surplus with the US comes from autos and auto parts. That said, we mentioned the significance (of the tariff issue)," he said.
Commenting on Trump's 90-day pause on reciprocal tariffs, Kim said that South Korea "may need more time" for negotiations.
He also pointed out the 25 percent reciprocal tariff rate is the highest among countries with FTAs with the US
"I asked (US officials) whether (the reciprocal tariff rate on Korea) is really appropriate," he said.
"Through the South Korea-US FTA, US products, particularly agricultural ones, come (into Korea) duty-free now, while 25 percent tariffs are imposed on Korean cars, which can be seen in a sense as a double penalty. We need to do well in the negotiation process on this matter.
Regarding North Korea, Kim said that he shared the US condemnation of the North's short-range ballistic missile launches earlier this week, which he described as a violation of UN Security Council resolutions. He also agreed that Pyongyang should refrain from further missile launches.
"In my personal view, South Korea needs to further strengthen asymmetric conventional weapons capabilities and take steps to be able to respond if need be," he said.
Asked if there were discussions on the possible troop reduction of the 28,500-strong US Forces Korea as well as its role and status, he said, "No comment."
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Perhaps the least interesting thing about the reported decision by US President Donald Trump's administration to allow Nvidia and AMD to export high-end semiconductors to China in exchange for 15 percent of revenues is that it is probably unlawful. More important is the window it opens onto how the presidency is using its national security powers not to advance the country's interests, but for its own, narrower ambitions. To understand what's at stake, consider Nvidia's H20 chips, which Trump, when justifying his decision, described as an 'old chip' that is 'obsolete.' In 2024, Nvidia sold about a million of these 'obsolete' H20s in China. This is about five times the number of similar chips sold by Huawei. The scale of Nvidia's advantage suggests that H20 chips, while no longer cutting edge, remain very valuable to Chinese firms. Nvidia's CUDA programming interface makes them easier to connect to other hardware than Huawei's products. Overwhelming evidence of H20 chips' continuing relevance came in January, when the Chinese firm DeepSeek used them to develop a breakthrough large language model delivering top-of-the-line performance without the price tag of OpenAI, Anthropic or Google models. Such semiconductors thus still play a pivotal role in the ongoing competition between China and the United States over AI, such that permitting their export undermines rather than advances US interests. China has growing access to all the other inputs to create new AI. Its universities can still recruit and educate top-flight scientific talent. It has ample data, energy and even a near-monopoly on rare-earth minerals used to build the AI 'stack.' But the gap between Nvidia's and Huawei's market share suggests that access to advanced chips (including H20s) remains a significant vulnerability. This explains the Trump administration's decision in April, three months after DeepSeek's release, to impose a new licensing requirement on H20 chips, with a presumption of denial. But now the White House has relinquished that lever without extracting any concessions from Chinese firms or Chinese authorities. And the US needs concessions from China. Consider that China controls 70 percent of the world's rare-earth minerals, which are needed for many digital tools. Items like the heat-resistant magnets needed for missiles, fighter jets, and smart bombs will remain in dangerously short supply. At a time of growing investment in military deployments in the Indo-Pacific that require these very tools, US trade policy seems to be cannibalizing US security policy. The Nvidia and AMD export deal, in short, is an unforced error. So, what motivated the decision? The president's authority to control exports of so-called dual-use goods (which can serve both civilian and military purposes), such as advanced semiconductors, stems from the 2018 Export Control Reform Act. The government is allowed to require 'licenses' for certain exports, while also 'imposing conditions or restrictions' on those licenses. One way to understand the Nvidia/AMD deal is by comparing it to this administration's other policies and finding patterns. Perhaps the closest parallel is the administration's treatment of the social media platform TikTok. Having tried to ban the platform during his first term on national-security grounds, Trump came into office under a statutory mandate to prohibit it unless its Chinese owners divested. In January 2025, the Supreme Court upheld the ban, which Trump postponed. The statute allowed a single 90-day delay, but only with a buyer on the horizon. Having blown past this deadline, Trump has simply refused to enforce a valid law that aligns with his own erstwhile position on national security. In both the TikTok case and the Nvidia/AMD deal, Trump violated a federal statute by allowing transactions with Chinese entities -- transactions the same administration once described as a source of serious security concerns. In both cases, this was done without a deal or negotiation to achieve a public-policy goal. But in the TikTok case, Trump was clear about his motives: TikTok, he thinks, helped him win the 'youth' in the 2024 election. National security considerations, that is, gave way to electoral advantage. The Nvidia/AMD deal offers similar advantages: A recent Congressional Budget Office estimate suggests that Trump's budget will increase the national deficit by $4.1 trillion. Squeezing money from tech firms can be framed as a political win and as a deficit offset, even though the revenue will be a mere drop in the bucket. Even better for Trump, because there is no statute that envisages revenue from export controls, there is no legal constraint on how the government uses them. Trump could, say, use the money for the White House's new ballroom, or it could construct more 'Alligator Alcatraz' prisons for undocumented immigrants. The message to US adversaries is clear: America's national security has been subordinated to the Trump administration's narrow financial or partisan interests. The sale has begun. Come bearing money, political favors or both.