GNU's Fragile Unity: Israel and the Ideological Crisis Within SA's Ruling Coalition
A child waits with others to receive food at a distribution point in Nuseirat, central Gaza Strip, June 2, 2025. The supposed GNU is not united on core policy pillars, particularly foreign affairs. This dissonance undermines South Africa's moral authority and strategic coherence, says the writer.
Image: Eyad BABA / AFP
Clyde N.S. Ramalaine
Since the 2024 national elections, South Africa has been governed by a new coalition misleadingly branded as a Government of National Unity (GNU). This alliance, led by the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), excludes major opposition parties like uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) while it accommodates much smaller parties like the PA.
Despite its name, the coalition resembles a Grand Coalition formed out of electoral necessity, and political machinations, not ideological consensus. This dissonance is increasingly visible in policy disputes, most glaringly in the lack of a unified foreign policy, especially on South Africa's stance toward Israel.
While the term 'GNU' is repeatedly invoked by the state and its coalition members, some of us have persistently argued that it inaccurately describes the coalition's identity and structure. The 7th Administration, inaugurated in June 2024, has already faced serious internal tensions:
National Budget : The DA and Freedom Front Plus (FF+) voted against it, exposing fiscal division.
BELA Bill : The DA challenged President Ramaphosa's assent to the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill through legal action.
Expropriation and NHI Bills : The DA declared formal disputes, accusing the ANC of violating coalition commitments.
Internal Trust : The ANC has been accused of unilateralism, particularly after Ramaphosa claimed the ANC remained ' in charge ' despite lacking a majority.
Cabinet Disputes : The DA initially rejected the six ministerial positions offered, demanding greater power.
Policy Vacuum
: The coalition lacks a coherent agenda, with criticism that economic and industrial interests
are prioritised
over urgent social needs.
While each of these tensions merits attention worth unpacking, this article focuses on the coalition's failure to articulate a coherent foreign policy, with particular attention to the South African state's position on Israel.
The ICJ case against Israel, alleging genocide in Gaza, was initiated under the ANC-led sixth administration before the coalition's formal establishment. However, its continuation under the 7th Administration places shared accountability on all coalition partners. The critical question: Can these parties, having entered into government, reasonably distance themselves from state actions on the international stage? Can coalition members simultaneously maintain pro-Israel positions while serving in a government prosecuting Israel for genocide?
These contradictions expose not just fragility within the coalition but a deeper ideological incoherence. This has implications for both domestic accountability and South Africa's credibility on the world stage.
A closer look at the DA and Patriotic Alliance (PA), two vocal coalition partners, reveals shared support for Israel. Often painted as ideological rivals, both parties converge in their staunch backing of Israel, underpinned by different but overlapping motivations.
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Advertisement
Next
Stay
Close ✕
Ad Loading
The DA frames its support through a purported liberal-democratic lens, casting Israel as a fellow constitutional democracy. It has routinely criticised the ANC's pro-Palestinian stance as biased, reaffirming Israel's right to security and sovereignty. This position is echoed by party leaders and in parliamentary debates, often aligning with mainstream pro-Israel rhetoric.
The PA's support is more overtly religious, grounded in its alignment with Coloured Pentecostal and Charismatic communities. The party has sent several delegations to Israel, praising its economic and security frameworks. This pro-Israel stance is not incidental; it reflects both ideological affinity and, arguably, strategic political alignment.
Though unproven, allegations persist that both parties receive support from Israeli-linked institutions. Regardless of their accuracy, the frequency and visibility of DA and PA engagements with Israel, amid a state-led genocide case against that very country, raise at least three critical questions.
1. Can coalition partners conduct parallel diplomacy that contradicts official policy?
Parallel diplomacy by coalition members, especially when it directly opposes formal state positions, raises serious constitutional and political challenges. It undermines South Africa's diplomatic identity, weakens international trust, and confuses global partners about who represents the state. While ideological diversity is inherent to coalition governance, the lack of a binding foreign policy framework risks turning pluralism into instability.
2. Does public support for Israel breach collective governance and cabinet responsibility?
In parliamentary systems, coalition members with executive roles are bound by collective governance and cabinet responsibility. Public dissent, especially on significant matters such as the ICJ case, can erode cabinet cohesion and undermine state credibility. Yet, the current coalition lacks a transparent agreement that clarifies such responsibilities. Without a formalised framework, parties like the DA and PA may argue their actions fall within party autonomy, especially if they do not control foreign affairs portfolios.
3. What does this reveal about South Africa's foreign policy credibility under the so-called GNU?
The contradictory positions of coalition partners on Israel reflect a broader governance crisis. The supposed GNU is not united on core policy pillars, particularly foreign affairs. This dissonance undermines South Africa's moral authority and strategic coherence. Without a clear, binding coalition framework, foreign policy risks becoming a terrain of partisan expression rather than a reflection of national interest.
The ANC's long-standing solidarity with Palestine, rooted in anti-colonial struggle, clashes with the DA and PA's pro-Israel stances. This ideological disconnect renders key diplomatic positions vulnerable to internal sabotage or ambiguity, weakening South Africa's moral clarity and domestic trust in the state's international engagements.
The invocation of 'national unity' masks what is, in reality, a fragile arrangement between actors with divergent worldviews. The absence of a formal coalition agreement available to the public deepens concerns about the ad hoc nature of governance. Foreign policy, like other key domains, appears to be negotiable rather than principled. The Israel question thus becomes a prism for understanding deeper contradictions within South Africa's coalition government.
Until the 7th Administration resolves these ideological fractures, it remains a government of convenience, not unity. The claim of national consensus is untenable when major foreign policy initiatives are undermined by internal dissent.
Conversely, it can be argued that parties like the DA and PA have every constitutional right to maintain independent foreign policy positions. The coalition was not founded on ideological unity or a detailed agreement binding all members to specific international stances. The Grand Coalition 'GNU', born of electoral arithmetic and political sophistication rather than shared vision, does not require unanimity on all matters.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The South African
19 minutes ago
- The South African
Gareth Cliff mocks Fikile's intelligence in shady post
Gareth Cliff has continued his longstanding social media feud with Fikile Mbalula with another shady post. The former shock jock and the politician have often butt heads over their views on trending South African topics. On his X account, Gareth Cliff joined many South Africans who reacted to Floyd Shivambu's resignation from the MK Party. The Secretary-General was forced to leave his post after he bragged about visiting fugitive Shepherd Bushiri at his home in Malawi. Fikile Mbalula – who also has a much-publicised feud with Floyd – threw shade at his political nemesis. Fikile tweeted: 'Zuma uSleg, they made Floyd draft the constitution to only use the same constitution to remove him'. Floyd clapped back: 'Like he decisively used the Constitution to take the 'mighty' ANC to 40% and left you begging for cooperation with the white minority.' He added: 'I respect and will forever respect President Zuma'. Weighing into the fiery face-off, Gareth Cliff responded: 'Floyd is smarter than Fikile.' He cheekily posted a proverb referring to Fikile: 'In the land of the blind, the one-eyed is king.' Over the years, Fikile Mbalula and Gareth Cliff have often taken shots at each other on the X platform [formerly Twitter]. In 2014, Fikile gave the Cliff Central founder a tongue-lashing after he questioned why the late Orlando Pirates goalkeeper Senzo Meyiwa was given a state funeral. Fikile clapped back: 'Who paid for Verwoerd's funeral? And who paid for PW Botha's funeral? It is the state, did they deserve it?… We never asked because we respect the dead. In 2016, the then Minister of Sport threw shade at Gareth Cliff's axing from talent show, Idols South Africa , after the latter seemingly defended convicted racist Penny Sparrow. 'M-Net should tell him to jump over his surname', he posted and deleted. Last year, Gareth Cliff shamed Fikile for driving a multi-million rand G-Wagon during the ANC's election drive in underprivileged areas. Reposting a clip of the ANC Secretary-General, the Gareth tweeted: 'This is like when John Kerry flies in a private jet and criticizes rich people for their carbon footprint; or when every other hypocrite tells you to do as they say, not as they do. 'Fikile loves a G-Wagon and couldn't say no, even though this one was lent to him by a crook. He added: 'These venal, grasping parvenus are always caught trying to become the crass rich people they hate, but we're expected to pretend it's not obvious. 'Tsek'. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 . Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp , Facebook , X, and Bluesky for the latest news.

IOL News
21 minutes ago
- IOL News
DA pressure reignites SANDF COVID drug investigation
Both the Hawks and the SIU are proceeding with the investigation into SANDF Cuban Covid looting spree, says the writer. The criminal investigation into how over R250 million was misspent by the SA National Defence Force in 2020 on an unapproved anti-COVID vaccine from Cuba is advancing again after significant DA pressure. Both the Hawks and the SIU are proceeding with this investigation, and complainant statements were taken in person this week to support the charges the DA laid with the SAPS in 2022. Because the criminal investigation had gone cold, the DA used Parliamentary Questions to the Minister of Police to prompt him on the delay in the investigation, and wrote letters to the Minister too, and following this DA intervention, the criminal investigation has been revived. The DA will now push for concrete timelines for the full investigation of this case, and we expect that it will be handed over for prosecution. Those responsible for the SANDF Cuban Covid looting spree, under the guise of a public health emergency, must be held to account — regardless of their rank or political connections. During the most recent sitting of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence (JSCD), the DA successfully proposed that all Hawks and SIU investigations into corruption and maladministration in the SANDF - including this scandal - be reported on quarterly. The committee supported this proposal, marking a critical step in restoring transparency and oversight in historical defence misspending. 'Whilst always abroad', Minister Motshekga may be comfortable with impunity in uniform. The DA is not. We will continue to demand answers and ensure that the Minister of Defence focuses her attention on Defence priorities inland. Nicholas Gotsell (MP) DA NCOP Member on Security & Justice


Mail & Guardian
22 minutes ago
- Mail & Guardian
In the face of Gaza's open wound the EU's fractured conscience is finally emerging
Injured children arrive at Nasser Hospital. in Gaza. Photo:Nearly 19 months into Israel's war on Gaza, the edifice of European moral clarity is beginning to show hairline cracks. What was once whispered in think-tank corridors is now being aired —- cautiously — in parliamentary chambers and diplomatic communiqués. The recent pronouncements by the European Union, United Kingdom, France and Canada mark an inflection point: not quite a reckoning, but certainly an uncomfortable pause. The European Union, Israel's largest trading partner, made waves last week by signalling its intent to review the EU-Israel Association Agreement. Specifically, Article 2 — that lofty clause which predicates the agreement on 'respect for human rights and democratic principles' — has been pulled out of the drawer and dusted off. The sudden interest in legal texts long filed under 'irrelevant' is telling. Europe's political class may not have grown a spine, but it is beginning to sense that complicity comes with a cost. In synchrony, a trilateral statement from the UK, France and Canada condemned the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza as 'intolerable', warning that Israel risked breaching international humanitarian law. The language — typically calibrated to offend no one — was startlingly unambiguous: 'We will not stand by while the Netanyahu government pursues these egregious actions.' The promised 'concrete actions' remain undefined, but the threat was unmistakable. Benjamin Netanyahu responded with familiar belligerence. To question Israeli conduct, he thundered, was to side with 'rapists, baby killers and kidnappers'. To ask for restraint was, in his view, to advocate for Hamas. The rhetorical fusillade was designed to silence dissent — and perhaps to distract from an inconvenient arithmetic: since October 2023, Israeli assaults have killed more than 54,000 Palestinians in Gaza, most of them women and children. The vast majority of hostages taken during Hamas's 7 October — itself a horrific breach of international norms — have either been released or have died. Europe's dalliance with moral high ground found an unusual champion this week in Madrid. At a summit attended by European and Arab states, Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares called for an arms embargo against Israel and sanctions on those intent on 'ruining the two-state solution forever'. Gaza, he declared, had become humanity's 'open wound', and silence amounted to complicity. That silence is now being broken not only by politicians but also by civil society. In Britain, more than 800 lawyers, judges, and legal scholars issued a letter condemning what they described as the 'worsening catastrophe' in the occupied territories. They urged their government to fulfill its legal obligation to 'prevent and punish genocide' and ensure adherence to humanitarian law. Among the signatories was Professor Guy Goodwin-Gill of Oxford, who minced no words. Israel's actions, he said, were 'blatantly in disregard of international law' and could no longer be brushed aside. His suggestion — to impose visa restrictions on all Israeli citizens, given the country's system of universal conscription — will doubtless be dismissed in polite circles as too radical. Yet it reflects a growing discomfort with business-as-usual diplomacy. The Israeli government's standard defence — conflating any criticism of its actions with antisemitism — is beginning to wear thin. Even Jewish voices of conscience are now accusing their state of genocidal intent. On Wednesday, a group of 380 artists, musicians and intellectuals issued a searing indictment: 'We refuse to be a public of bystander-approvers,' they wrote, calling for an immediate ceasefire. The weight of their words was echoed by more than 30 United Nations special rapporteurs and human rights experts, who described Israel's actions as 'merciless manifestations of the desecration of human life'. While diplomats in New York quibble over the definition of genocide, Israeli bombs continue to fall. On 18 March alone, 600 Palestinians were reportedly killed — 400 of them children. Euphemisms are no longer an option. What of the British response? Thus far, it has been cautiously symbolic. Sanctions have been imposed on a handful of West Bank settler leaders and a few fringe organisations. Asset freezes and travel bans make for strong headlines but accomplish little when those targeted have no discernible presence in the UK. Michael O'Kane, a sanctions expert, was blunt: 'It is very unlikely that any of those sanctioned actually have assets in the UK.' Still, he insists, these actions serve as a signal — a diplomatic red card, even if not backed by enforcement. More consequential measures may yet follow. There is growing pressure for targeted sanctions on key members of Netanyahu's cabinet — notably National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, both of whom have made incendiary, openly genocidal statements. The UK has also suspended several arms export licenses, though hundreds remain in place. A court case brought by the Palestinian group Al-Haq could force a more thorough review, especially concerning components for F-35 fighter jets used in Gaza. In court, the government's legal defence rests on the argument that 'no evidence has been seen that Israel is deliberately targeting civilian women or children'. Yet, as Al-Haq's counsel Raza Husain KC pointed out, the scale and tone of Israel's onslaught — reinforced by dehumanising rhetoric from senior Israeli officials — tells another story. 'Acts of annihilation', he argued, have been accompanied by 'celebratory statements' at the highest levels of government. Whether any of this leads to a concrete shift in European policy is unknown. But there is momentum behind the push for an international conference, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, to be held at the UN in June. Its stated goal: to revive the prospect of a Palestinian state and implement 'irreversible steps' toward that end. For decades, Europe has played the part of the conflicted observer — offering rhetorical support for Palestinian rights while arming and trading with the very government that negates them. Now, with Gaza in ruins and Israel increasingly isolated on the world stage, that charade may finally be coming undone. The road ahead is treacherous, and cynicism remains warranted. But for the first time in a long time, the possibility of a principled European response to Israeli impunity — however belated, however incomplete — is on the table. The question is not whether Europe will act. It is whether it can afford not to. Dr Imran Khalid is a freelance columnist on international affairs based in Karachi, Pakistan.