
‘The cartels and clans are ecstatic': How USAID cuts have emboldened Colombia's narcos
For decades, the US has supported Colombia in its fight against drug trafficking and armed groups through aid spending. Since helping to end the reign of infamous drug lord Pablo Escobar in the 1990s, US defence and intelligence agencies have been instrumental in the country's counter-narcotic operations. Washington has also been instrumental in helping demobilise the leftist FARC rebels since the 2016 peace accord, ushering in a period of relative stability.
But now, following the Trump administration's freeze of nearly all funding for the US Agency for International Development (USAID), along with changes to US State Department spending, analysts and civil society leaders are sounding the alarm.
'The groups that operate outside of the law – the cartels and the clans – are happy. They're ecstatic, because now they have the freedom to do whatever they want,' said León Valencia, director of the Bogotá-based Peace and Reconciliation Foundation.
The US State Department has funded major counternarcotics operations in Colombia for years, but when president Donald Trump froze State Department spending in January, the vast majority were immediately halted.
'The entire fleet of Black Hawk helicopters was basically grounded; police units supported and trained by the US were disbanded; and programmes that were building capacity to investigate cases were all just put on ice,' said Elizabeth Dickinson, an analyst at the International Crisis Group. 'It had really wild effects.'
Although most of these programmes have resumed under provisional 30-day waivers, Ms Dickinson warned that activities beyond daily maintenance are limited. 'Imagine the uncertainty that comes from knowing that you only have 30 days of funding guaranteed. Anything that's beyond the day-to-day treading water in these counter-narcotic operations is essentially on pause,' she said. 'They're not investing in new programmes, or undertaking new investigations.'
The USAID cuts have also been 'catastrophic,' Ms Dickinson, and a dozen other experts and civil society leaders, told The Telegraph.
In recent years, Colombia received around $440 million annually in USAID assistance for more than 80 programmes, making it the largest recipient of the agency's funds in the western hemisphere, according to US government data.
While most of the programmes are not directly related to counter-narcotics, USAID-backed initiatives have helped stabilise regions still affected by armed conflict. They have created opportunities for young people at risk of recruitment by criminal gangs, supported farmers transitioning away from coca cultivation and aided the reintegration of former combatants into society. Now that funding has ceased. Ms Dickinson said that overnight the humanitarian system here in Colombia lost 70 per cent of its financing.
An official, speaking on condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisals, said that more than 50 USAID-funded programmes across the country have already been shuttered. 'It has had a big and deep effect in the most vulnerable territories,' he said. 'You can't imagine the terrible effects happening there.'
Officials warn the cuts also endanger the implementation of the peace accord with the leftist FARC rebels. FARC fought the government for more than five decades before most rebels laid down their weapons in 2016. While the deal did not end the conflict entirely, it ushered in a fragile peace. Between 2017 and 2023, the US provided $1.5 billion in support of the deal.
'I think it will create more risk of violence and more vulnerability,' said Luis Gilberto Murillo, Colombia's former foreign minister and current lawmaker, in an interview with Reuters.
Colombia's conflict began in the 1960s amid demands for land reform, with rebels promising to redistribute land and wealth concentrated among a small elite. As part of the 2016 accord, the government pledged to grant formal ownership to poor farmers willing to stop cultivating coca. Since then, the funding has helped the government map millions of acres in conflict-afflicted territories.
But that work is now on hold, according to an anonymous source within the USAID land programme.
'In terms of drug policy, we managed to positively impact the issue from a territorial, transformational perspective,' he said. 'If farmers own their land, they hardly want to risk losing it by planting illicit crops, and if it's done on a massive scale, it becomes more sustainable in the fight against this phenomenon.'
Mr Valencia added that the funding cuts have 'rendered it impossible to fulfil the peace agreement,' while Ms Dickinson said there is 'no one who will step into this gap', meaning key parts of the deal 'will not be implemented'.
The cuts also come amid a surge in violence between armed groups, which saw tens of thousands of people displaced earlier this year and left more than 100 dead. Colombia is currently grappling with eight separate armed conflicts, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, which recently described the situation as its worst humanitarian crisis since the 2016 peace accord.
Overall, the 60-year conflict has killed at least 450,000 people; cocaine production and trafficking remain the main drivers of the ongoing violence.
But others argue that the US should not be funding programmes or public employees in Colombia at all. 'Trump is right,' President Gustavo Petro said in a televised address earlier this year, where he also characterised US foreign aid as poison. 'Take your money.'
Some also question whether the cuts will meaningfully impact drug trafficking, arguing that the US-led war on drugs has already failed, with consumption and cultivation at record highs.
Isabel Pereira, a drug policy expert at Colombia-based research organisation DeJusticia, said that such programmes 'will never be enough' to stop drug trafficking. 'Coca as a cash crop will always be more profitable than any other crop,' she said.
If the programmes had been successful, she argued, 'we wouldn't be in a situation today where we are at the highest number of hectares grown in Colombia.'
'I don't think it will have much of a differential effect because the fact of the matter is that the drug markets are always thriving,' Ms Pereira added.
Although the high profile excesses associated with narcos like Mr Escobar are less prominent. Coca cultivation in Colombia has quadrupled over the last decade, while global cocaine production doubled. Drug use has also grown steadily, with the UN noting in 2024 that 292 million people worldwide reported having consumed narcotics in the previous year.
The Colombian government, led by the country's first leftist president, Mr Petro, has already acted to reform drug policy. In October 2023, it launched a new national drug policy that aims to shift the narrative around psychoactive substances – focusing on rural development, reducing coca crops, and helping small farmers transition to the legal economy.
In February, Mr Petro said that cocaine is 'not worse than whisky' and said that, like whisky, it should be legalised. 'If somebody wants peace, the business [of drug trafficking] has to be dismantled,' Mr Petro said. 'It could be easily dismantled if they legalised cocaine in the world. It would be sold like wine.'
In March, Colombia went further, leading a landmark resolution at the UN commission on narcotic drugs, calling for reforms to the existing 60-year-old drug control system.
'The global drug regime has failed to deliver, period,' said Laura Gil, Colombia's ambassador-at-large for global drug policy, speaking on the sidelines of the Harm Reduction International conference. 'In my country, it has meant the fuelling of the internal armed conflict, it has meant thousands of deaths, and it has meant the stigma we carry as Colombians all over the world.'
Catherine Cook of Harm Reduction International said US funding had long given Washington an 'element of control' over Colombia's drug policy. 'This is a moment for countries to be able to take back control and decide what they want to prioritise,' she said.
Ms Dickinson agreed that drug policies have caused a 'very perverse fallout', but warned that cutting funding overnight 'empowers the criminal groups who are profiting from this business.'
The USAID land programme source also acknowledged that 'not everything was perfect with USAID,' but countered that, on balance, 'more good' happened than bad.
Mr Valencia, meanwhile, argued that the US's abrupt decision, if nothing else, amounted to a betrayal of its responsibilities.
'The US operation is an obligation. It is not a gift – the US is the main party responsible for consumption and the persecution of our poorest people,' he said. 'These funding cuts hurt efforts to repress trafficking, and the growers that no longer have support from the programmes. They are waiving all liability, and it is a great injustice.'
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The Independent
2 hours ago
- The Independent
Soaring demand at food banks across Africa thanks to massive aid cuts
Food banks across Africa have told The Independent that cuts to foreign aid – primarily by Donald Trump in the US, but including the UK – are helping to significantly drive up the number of people needing their help, while reducing the supplies they can hand out. Food Forward South Africa said that demand for its food services has soared since the start of the year and is expected to increase yet further as grants from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) run out in the coming months, while Food Banking Kenya has revealed that demand is up 300 per cent this year. In Nigeria, the Lagos Food Bank is another that is expecting shortages thanks to US aid cuts. 'The numbers we are seeing this year are absolutely huge. We thought numbers were big in other years, but this is completely unimaginable,' says John Gathungu, CEO of Food Banking Kenya. 'We are doing all we can to restrain people and discourage them from collecting food from us.' Food Banking Kenya also partners with the Kenyan Red Cross, another organisation impacted by aid cuts, which runs health and ambulance services around the country. The food bank is working to help patients with food deliveries that the Red Cross is unable to completely support – but is nonetheless struggling to meet demand, which has led to tragic consequences. 'There was one story where the Red Cross called our offices to say that there is a family in a certain area - a woman with three children - who were in a desperate situation after being unable to eat for three days,' says Gathungu. 'By the time our delivery driver arrived it was already too late - the woman had actually committed sucide... which was incredibly distressing for us.' Kenya, South Africa, and Nigeria all took massive hits when USAID terminated more than 80 per cent of its contracts in May, worth an estimated $260 million, $224m, and $178m respectively. But it is not just decisions from Washington that are hitting government budgets in Sub-Saharan Africa: next year is set to mark the third consecutive year of decline in G7 aid spending, according to Oxfam, with the US (down $33 billion), the UK (down $5bn), Germany (down $3.5bn) and France (down $3bn) all significantly cutting overseas aid year-on-year. Kenya, South Africa, and Nigeria have also all seen their public services and social security provision deteriorate as a result, with HIV services in South Africa and food aid in Nigeria particularly devastated. 'Suprised how many organisations relied on aid' Kenya is major agricultural economy that exports food all around the globe - but also faces major food insecurity challenges, with 46 per cent of people living on less than $3 a day, according to the Word Bank. Food insecurity struggles have been significantly heightened this year by aid cuts, according Gathungu, whose food bank last year provided more than 20 million meals across the country's five major cities, with food largely sourced from farm surpluses. Demand for the food bank's services has increased by more 300 per cent this year. says Gathungu, far outstripping what they are able to provide. Food Banking Kenya's office is now also receiving a constant flow of emails and phone calls from organisations looking to partner with them and when delivery trucks go to deliver food parcels to families, they now deliver with a specific list of recipients due to the situation being unmanageable otherwise, says Gathungu. It is not only from direct recipients of food aid where the food bank is seeing an impact: A number of charitable partners have been severely impacted by the cuts, and the food bank is doing what it can to fill the gap. 'I have been surprised just how many partners and projects relied on USAID for funding,' says Gathungu. For example, the Food Bank was due to partner with a company called Nature Lock to deliver school meals to 200 schools in informal settlements. Despite the fact that all the paperwork had already been signed, the stop-work order from USAID led to the entire deal being put on pause - until Food Banking Kenya moved to fill the gap with its own food and logistics operation. 'We could not just say to the 20,000 children who were going to receive food, that that simply was not going to happen any more,' says Gathungu. 'Worse to come' Elsewhere on the continent, Food Forward South Africa distributes 25m tonnes of food last year, making it the largest food banking organisation in Africa by some margin. The charity - which is sourced from farms, manufacturers, and supermarket - is based in Cape Town, but reaches hundreds of thousands of people in small, rural communities through programmes that include direct food assistance, nutrition services for mothers and babies, school breakfasts, and community kitchens for vulnerable groups. According to Food Forward's managing director, Andy DuPlessis, the charity has already seen an increase in demand this year –to the point where they have had to put a pause on all applications for new distribution partners. 'We normally get around 100 and 250 applications a month, but are currently getting 350 to 400 applications,' he says. In the coming months, DuPlessis believes that demand is set to increase by a further 10 to 20 per cent as USAID grants and redundancy payments begin to 'fizzle out', and more people begin to require their services. 'The cuts are phased out by September, and unemployment insurance is also running out, so we anticipate over the next year we will see a big increase in demand,' he says. Core drivers of demand, DuPlessis continues, include middle class individuals who have lost USAID-funded jobs and require financial support, as well as people suffering from chronic illnesses like HIV who are no longer able to work, or services that provide support for chronic illnesses that can no longer provide food off their own back. Even before the impact of aid cuts, some 55 per cent of South Africa's population lived below the poverty line, and around a quarter of households were severely food insecure - despite the fact that South Africa is a major food exporter, and produces more than enough food for its people to eat. The country's difficulties are set to increase yet further as a result of new tariffs from the Trump administration worth 30 per cent - a tax that puts up to 100,000 jobs at risk, according to authorities. In Nigeria, the Lagos Food Bank has been operating for 10 years now to bring food to communities in a country where millions are suffering from long-term food insecurity. Last year a team of 30,000 volunteers was able to feed some three million people by directing excess food from supermarkets and farms - but according to Michael Sunbola, executive director at the food bank, this was just a 'drop in the ocean'. Having suffered a significant funding hit due to Trump slashing USAID programmes, the organisation says that the aid cuts will only worsen a pattern that it is already seeing thanks to the country's chronic food insecurity and food inflation. 'The last year has seen the cost of living soar and people's disposable income plummet, pushing the middle classes into poverty and fueling demand for the food bank,' says Sunbola. 'We thought there was high demand during Covid – but what we are seeing right now is five times that,' says Sunbola. Food inflation in Nigeria currently stands at more than 30 per cent, as a result of weak harvests and low food stocks in the country. 'The last year has seen the cost of living soar and people's disposable income plummet, pushing the middle classes into poverty and fueling demand for the food bank,' says Sunbola. Aid cuts have, however, will impact food bank's ability to keep its services open, with international donor organisation also losing their own funding through USAID or other aid cuts. Earlier this year, two international partners pulled out from supporting the food bank, says Sunbola - but so far the food bank has largely been able to fill the gap by working with new corporate partners. Climate's compounding effect Climate change is also a key driver of Nigeria's food insecurity crisis, driving less regular rainfall patterns and prolonged dry seasons, says Sunbola. 'Agricultural yields, particularly in the Northern regions of Nigeria, are being seriously impacted,' Sunbola adds. 'Weak yields then have a major impact on food prices here in Lagos.' Meanwhile, South Africa is 'being hit by more and more extreme weather events like droughts and flooding - and when these happen we are often first responders on the scene with food supplies,' says DuPlessis. In fact, all three programmes also report how climate change is only increasing pressures on food systems. In Kenya, meanwhile, climate impacts have at times been so severe over the last few years that at times farmers themselves have had to be supplied with food support. 'Rains have become weaker, and much less predictable. Farmers' crops are failing and hunger is striking rural communities,' says Gathungu. 'in 2023 there were issues of having no rain, while in 2024 there were was too much rain and farms became flooded. Both years we have had to supply food to smallholder farmers who in previous years supplied food to us.' This article is part of The Independent's Rethinking Global Aid project If you are experiencing feelings of distress, or are struggling to cope, you can speak to the Samaritans, in confidence, on 116 123 (UK and ROI), email jo@ or visit the Samaritans website to find details of your nearest branch. If you are based in the USA, and you or someone you know needs mental health assistance right now, call the National Suicide Prevention Helpline on 1-800-273-TALK (8255). This is a free, confidential crisis hotline that is available to everyone 24 hours a day, seven days a week. If you are in another country, you can go to to find a helpline near you.


Daily Mail
2 hours ago
- Daily Mail
Associated Press publishes anti-Trump 'fact check' that admits president's most damaging DC claim is CORRECT
The Associated Press has published a fact-check appearing to substantiate Donald Trump 's claim that the murder rate in Washington, DC, is higher than that of both Bogota, Colombia, and Mexico City. The piece - titled 'FACT FOCUS: Trump exaggerates, misstates facts on Washington crime' - comes after an impassioned press conference from the president. 'The murder rate in Washington today is higher than that of Bogota, Colombia, Mexico City, some of the places that you hear about as being the worst places on earth,' he told onlookers. The administration, in turn, posted a chart to X comparing DC's murder rate to other cities around the world. The graphic showed DC's murder rate at roughly 27 percent, Bogota at 15 percent, and Mexico City at 10 percent. The AP piece conceded Washington is 'one of America's most-dangerous big cities,' but pointed to how 'the US in general' sees higher rates of than many other countries. 'Washington does have a higher homicide rate than many other global cities, including some that have historically been considered unsafe by many Americans,' a portion reads. 'But Trump is leaving out important context.' The rest of the fact-check carried a similar tone, after Trump announced a federal takeover of the municipality's police just hours earlier. 'Look at these. Baghdad is … we doubled up on Baghdad. Panama City, Brasilia, San Jose, Costa Rica, Bogota, Colombia,' Trump told reporters as he showed charts comparing rates of crime in the nation's capital to other cities. 'Heavy drugs. Mexico City, I mentioned Lima, Peru, all double and triple what they are. So do you want to live in places like that? I don't think so. I don't think so.' The White House attempted to substantiate its claims surrounding DC's 2024 murder rate with a screenshot of a New York Post article, which in turn cited a report published by the Rochester Institute of Technology (RIT) in February 2025. The report showed D.C.'s murder rate sitting at 27.54 per 100,000 in 2024 - slightly more than the 25 percent tabulated by the FBI. Still, DC's murder rate is high - seventh in the nation when looking at cities with 250,000 or more citizens. Its rate is also markedly less than that of numerous Mexico cities, like Colima (126), Tijuana (91), Celaya (86), Cuernavaca (74), and Juárez (71), and cities in Colombia like Santa Marta (45) and Cali (42), which the AP piece touched on as well. The AP piece, in turn, pointed out other factoids like murders in Washington in 2023 being 'high, but not the highest ever,' after Trump correctly noted at the press conference that the year was a terrible year for murders. He then flubbed by saying it was the 'highest rate, probably ever. Probably 25 years.' 'THE FACTS,' the AP fact piece blared. 'In 2023, the District of Columbia recorded 274 murders in a city of about 700,000, its highest number in 20 years. 'But the city's own crime statistics from the 1970s, 80s and 90s, when the population was smaller, show much higher numbers of homicides.' Other inconsistencies from Trump's speech honed in on included Trump's blaming of cashless bail for DC's crime situation despite an absence of data, and statistics from Washington's Metropolitan Police that contradicted claims that violent crime has risen in Washington since its post-pandemic peak in 2023. The nation's capital, like the country overall, has been plagued by an uptick in violent crimes in 2020, where there was a nationwide 30 percent increase in murders compared to the year prior. Shoplifting crimes and attacks on government employees have persisted in DC even since, paving the way for Trump's revelation Monday that he was federalizing the local police department under section 740 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act. The law allows the commander-in-chief to assume control of the capital's police force in the event of an emergency. He hailed the occasion as DC's 'Liberation Day' in his announcement. He has repeatedly called Washington 'horribly run'. During his campaign last year, he promised to 'restore' the capital. Trump previously deployed the federal government in Washington, DC, in June, when protesters pushed back against his immigration enforcement. Gov. Gavin Newsom sued in response. The case goes to trial this week.


Daily Mail
2 hours ago
- Daily Mail
AP publishes 'fact check' that admits president's DC claim is correct
Advertisement The Associated Press has published a fact-check appearing to substantiate Donald Trump 's claim that the murder rate in Washington, DC , is higher than that of both Bogota, Colombia, and Mexico City. The piece - titled 'FACT FOCUS: Trump exaggerates, misstates facts on Washington crime' - comes after an impassioned press conference from the president. 'The murder rate in Washington today is higher than that of Bogota, Colombia, Mexico City, some of the places that you hear about as being the worst places on earth,' he told onlookers. The administration, in turn, posted a chart to X comparing DC's murder rate to other cities around the world. The graphic showed DC's murder rate at roughly 27 percent, Bogota at 15 percent, and Mexico City at 10 percent. The AP piece conceded Washington is 'one of America's most-dangerous big cities,' but pointed to how 'the US in general' sees higher rates of than many other countries. 'Washington does have a higher homicide rate than many other global cities, including some that have historically been considered unsafe by many Americans,' a portion reads. 'But Trump is leaving out important context.' The rest of the fact-check carried a similar tone, after Trump announced a federal takeover of the municipality's police just hours earlier. 'Look at these. Baghdad is … we doubled up on Baghdad. Panama City, Brasilia, San Jose, Costa Rica, Bogota, Colombia,' Trump told reporters as he showed charts comparing rates of crime in the nation's capital to other cities. 'Heavy drugs. Mexico City, I mentioned Lima, Peru, all double and triple what they are. So do you want to live in places like that? I don't think so. I don't think so.' The White House attempted to substantiate its claims surrounding DC's 2024 murder rate with a screenshot of a New York Post article, which in turn cited a report published by the Rochester Institute of Technology (RIT) in February 2025. The report showed D.C.'s murder rate sitting at 27.54 per 100,000 in 2024 - slightly more than the 25 percent tabulated by the FBI. Still, DC's murder rate is high - seventh in the nation when looking at cities with 250,000 or more citizens. Its rate is also markedly less than that of numerous Mexico cities, like Colima (126), Tijuana (91), Celaya (86), Cuernavaca (74), and Juárez (71), and cities in Colombia like Santa Marta (45) and Cali (42), which the AP piece touched on as well. The AP piece, in turn, pointed out other factoids like murders in Washington in 2023 being 'high, but not the highest ever,' after Trump correctly noted at the press conference that the year was a terrible year for murders. He then flubbed by saying it was the 'highest rate, probably ever. Probably 25 years.' 'THE FACTS,' the AP fact piece blared. 'In 2023, the District of Columbia recorded 274 murders in a city of about 700,000, its highest number in 20 years. 'But the city's own crime statistics from the 1970s, 80s and 90s, when the population was smaller, show much higher numbers of homicides.' Other inconsistencies from Trump's speech honed in on included Trump's blaming of cashless bail for DC's crime situation despite an absence of data, and statistics from Washington's Metropolitan Police that contradicted claims that violent crime has risen in Washington since its post-pandemic peak in 2023. The nation's capital, like the country overall, has been plagued by an uptick in violent crimes in 2020, where there was a nationwide 30 percent increase in murders compared to the year prior. Shoplifting crimes and attacks on government employees have persisted in DC even since, paving the way for Trump's revelation Monday that he was federalizing the local police department under section 740 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act. The law allows the commander-in-chief to assume control of the capital's police force in the event of an emergency.