
NST Leader: Embracing Timor-Leste
DESPITE backing from Malaysia and Indonesia, certain Asean members have reservations about Timor-Leste's membership to the bloc. The country is politically and economically underwhelming, unable to make significant contributions and once accepted, potentially burdensome to the grouping.
Yet, because of its troubled economy, incapacitated institutions and political volatility, Timor-Leste badly needs Asean like a fish needs water, as membership can help it overcome its problems.
World Bank data show Timor-Leste's economy had shrunk for three straight years since 2020, from a high of US$3.62 billion to just US$2.08 billion in 2023. But the worst could be over, as the government in Dili announced on March 25 that Timor-Leste's gross domestic product grew four per cent last year.
The country is also bogged down by underdeveloped infrastructure and education system, as well as poor English fluency, prejudicing its ability to participate in Asean initiatives.
Yet, Timor-Leste is a diamond in the rough, blending natural beauty, and rich history and culture, underscoring its huge potential for tourism.
The capital of Dili has a unique Portuguese colonial charm and its biodiverse Coral Triangle is teeming with marine life. By 2030, Timor-Leste's tourism revenue from Asean travellers is estimated to be US$150 million. Its people are warm and generous, so much so that in 2005, Timor-Leste, despite its impoverishment, donated US$100,000 for South Asian tsunami victims.
Timor-Leste broke free from Indonesia in 2002, after its citizens overwhelmingly chose independence in a United Nations-sponsored referendum in 1999.
In efforts to be an Asean member, Dili has ticked every box: an observer since 2002, participated in meetings and discussions, aligning development plans with Asean economic integration and signed key treaties.
They also prioritised infrastructure development, including improvements to its international airport, while strengthening economic and institutional frameworks.
Timor-Leste understands that an Asean membership is a lifeline that will translate to access to regional markets and investment opportunities. Still, the future looks promising: by October, Timor-Leste is expected to become Asean's 11th member, underscoring that membership isn't confined to enriching the already wealthy.
It also proves that Asean isn't just paying lip sevice to talk of economic prosperity. By embracing Timor-Leste as a full-fledged member, Asean shows it's not just what a country brings to the table that matters, but also how the grouping stays true to its original goal of uplifting the region.
And this aligns with Malaysia's "prosper thy neighbour" ethos. If we help a friendly nation grow and prosper, everybody wins.
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The Star
43 minutes ago
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One down, two to go
HONOLULU 2011 – US President Barack Obama hosted many world leaders including from Russia, China and Japan for the annual Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit. A few of us, part of the Malaysian media delegation, were walking back to the hotel after a quick lunch. It was a short walk. Big mistake. Just as we were about to cross the road (the hotel was about 50m away), our group was stopped by the local police. The Chinese leader and delegation were staying in the vicinity and the entourage was about to leave the hotel. For security reasons we had to wait for more than 30 minutes. No questions asked, we understood. Pattaya 2009 – Asean Summit. Thailand was forced to cancel the summit as thousands of anti-government protesters forced their way into what was supposed to be a secured area. 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'We should give them leeway and give a timeframe to fulfill the requirements. Admit them first. We have to help them,' said one official With four months to go, Timor Leste, which was granted observer status in 2022, will now have to comply with the requirements and more importantly going through their own legislation process. The Asean chair statement stated that ministers and senior officials have been given the task to undertake the procedural steps for the admission of Timor Leste and expedite negotiations on the key agreements. Another summit which received much attention and described as ambitious is the Asean-GCC-China Summit, held for the first time. In a joint statement released on Wednesday, Asean, the GCC or Gulf Cooperation Council ( Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) and China, said they were committed to enhancing economic cooperation. 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With the Asean-GCC-China Summit we are just opening up the opportunity, building a bridge beyond our region,' said a Malaysian official. A lot of praises came from all around for the participation, substance and overall organisation of the summits. The second summit will be held in October. However, for the exhausted officials, it is only a brief respite as the next big meeting is just weeks away – the annual Asean foreign ministerial where they will be joined by their dialogue partners from Australia, China, Canada, India, Japan, Russia, South Korea, United Kingdom and the United States among others. Now that, to me, is the highlight of the Asean chairmanship with issues like the South China Sea, a contentious one among claimant states and user states which includes powerful countries. Given the action on the ground in recent months, there will be no doubt that some countries would want stronger language in the outcome document. 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The Star
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The Star
3 hours ago
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Stop scaring future world leaders off US campuses
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And among those bright young things forming new ideas, expertise, and friendships outside rather than inside of the US will be some of tomorrow's world leaders. To grasp what America in the coming years will miss out on, consider the subtle but influential webs of soft power that have long been among the boons of America's status as an educational superpower. When covering the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, or again the global one of the late 2000s, I often heard that negotiations among countries and institutions went better than expected – and better for the US, in particular – because a lot of the people in the meetings had spent time on the same campuses, studied under the same professors, or even sat in the same classrooms. They wore different garb and spoke English in different accents. But they shared the language and mentality of, say, Harvard's Kennedy School, or the economics departments at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology or the University of Chicago. Mario Draghi, for example, has been an Italian and a European central banker (as well as a prime minister of Italy), just as Raghu-ram Rajan ran India's central bank and the research side of the International Monetary Fund, among other things. But both got their PhDs at MIT, and were influenced by Stanley Fischer, a titan of finance (and himself a former central banker of Israel). As a professor at MIT, Fischer in fact mentored future central bankers on most continents except Antarctica. Mark Carney, a former central bank governor in Britain and Canada (and Canada's current Prime Minister), is not among them – he went to Harvard instead. In some cases, these biographies make for stories of stunning success for the individuals as well as for the world and the host country, the US. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is a Nigerian who studied at Harvard and MIT, then went on to reform Nigeria's economy in two stints as Finance minister, before working at the World Bank and running the World Trade Organisation. She's still Nigerian, but now a US citizen as well. The list of US-educated heads of state is also long. For ambitious Latin Americans and Africans, a stint or two on an American campus is practically a rite of passage. The founding father of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, sent his younger son to Stanford and the elder to Harvard's Kennedy School; that one later became Singapore's third prime minister. Taiwan's current president got his master's degree from Harvard; his predecessor got hers from Cornell. The Jordanian king also studied in America (at Georgetown), as did much of his policy elite. Saudi Arabia's crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, did not, but that makes him an outlier among Saudi royals. The Israelis love to take a swing through American campuses, including incumbent Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu (MIT and Harvard). On it goes, from Moldova to South Korea and Indonesia, where the current president did not study in the US but his influential Finance Minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, did (University of Illinois); she has called her American years formative. Whether an American educa-tion always makes foreign leaders more pro-American or pro-Western, or even just more capable, is moot. At a minimum, though, it lets international students see the world and their own countries through American eyes, narratives, metaphors, and references. It gives them a literal and figurative vocabulary with which they will later run international organisations or negotiate with the White House. The scholar Joseph Nye defined soft power as the ability to get others to want what you want. To the extent that a US education gets others to think as Americans think, it is the ideal tool of soft power, if you choose to see it that way. There are of course many other reasons for the US to host international students – about a million a year as of last count. Foreigners who study in America go on to invent and pioneer new technologies and business models at disproportionate rates, and most do it in and for the US. If the Trump administration pushes them away, those talents will innovate in and for China instead, or other adversaries and competitors. But the ability to form intellectual and personal networks across the world is enough reason to keep American education cosmopolitan, as opposed to barricading the ivory tower and closing American minds. In that way, education is like trade: enriching when it's open, corrosive when it closes. The benefits I'm describing pay out slowly, admittedly, and Trump isn't known for his attention span or long-term planning. But some rewards can be immediate, even if hard to quantify. Bilal Erdogan (Indiana University and Harvard) has surely talked at least some sense about America into his father, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. And as relations between the US and China become ever tenser, it surely helps both countries that Xi Jinping can turn to his daughter Mingze for discreet pointers about the Yanks. She too reportedly went to Harvard, though under an alias. Little else is publicly known, not even whether she paid all her parking tickets. – Bloomberg Opinion/Tribune News Service