KTR lays focus on upskilling
asserted that his commitment to the development of Telangana goes beyond political power. "India First, Telangana First – this is not just a slogan, it's our policy direction to promote state's interests on global platforms," he said.
Tired of too many ads? go ad free now
Speaking after inaugurating the Pragmatic Design Solutions Limited (PDSL) Knowledge Centre at the University of Warwick, UK, the former minister said the BRS govt transformed Hyderabad into one of India's premier automotive hubs. "Under the BRS regime, Hyderabad stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Pune and Chennai as a leading centre for the automotive industry," he said.
Rama Rao credited this transformation to the party's progressive industrial policies and visionary planning.
Extending his vision beyond research and development, KTR said that Telangana must aim to become the number one destination for automobile manufacturing as well.
He reminded that Telangana was the first Indian state to host the prestigious Formula-E race, which underscored the state's commitment to innovation in the mobility sector. "Our govt envisioned and worked towards creating a Mobility Valley to attract global investment and build a strong automotive ecosystem," he said.
The BRS leader explained how Telangana emerged as a magnet for global investments during the party's tenure in office. He recalled how global tech majors such as Google, Amazon, and Facebook established their largest campuses in Hyderabad under the BRS govt. "In just nine years, Telangana made remarkable strides in IT jobs, exports, infrastructure, and innovation. That momentum must continue," he said.
KTR called upon India's youth and industries to adapt to the rapidly changing global landscape. "Our youth are proving their mettle across sectors — be it IT, life sciences, or automobiles. But to stay ahead, constant upskilling is essential," he advised. KTR urged educational institutions, companies, and govts to invest in skilling and re-skilling programmes that respond to future challenges.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Hindu
7 minutes ago
- The Hindu
A.P. exporters seek Centre's intervention as U.S. tariffs hit seafood industry hard
The Seafood Exporters Association of India (SEAI) has appealed to the Central government to extend urgent relief measures to protect the Indian seafood export industry, saying that it is reeling under the impact of newly imposed tariffs by the United States. A delegation led by Union Minister of State for Steel and Heavy Industries Bhupathiraju Srinivasa Varma, along with SEAI president Pawan Kumar and others, met Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman in her Parliament office on Tuesday and submitted a memorandum. The delegation highlighted that with the recent 25% tariff imposed by the U.S.A., along with countervailing duty (CVD) and anti-dumping duties, Indian exporters are now burdened with nearly 35% in levies, drastically reducing the competitiveness. They said that exports to the U.S.A.—which account for nearly 25% of India's $8 billion seafood exports in 2023–24 fiscal year—are expected to decline sharply, severely impacting the livelihoods of 2.8 crore fishermen, aquaculture farmers, processing workers, packaging staff, and transporters who depend on the sector. To help overcome the crisis, the SEAI proposed a set of relief measures, including soft loans up to 30% of working capital at concessional interest rates (below 5%); extension of export credit facilities for 240 days for all seafood exporters; financial assistance at 8% of the FOB value for exports to the U.S.A.; additional support at 2% of the FOB value for exports to other countries; special financial packages for small and medium aqua farmers to prevent distress. 'If these measures are implemented, exporters will be able to sustain themselves in global markets and the industry, along with the 28 million people dependent on it, can be safeguarded,' said Mr. Pawan Kumar. Ms. Nirmala Sitharaman assured the delegation that the issues would be examined and appropriate measures would be considered. CEO Dr. Raghavan, National Committee member Irrinki Ganga Ram, Poojitha, and MPs Sana Satish Babu and Beeda Mastan Rao were also present.
The Wire
7 minutes ago
- The Wire
What is China's ‘Early Harvest' Proposal for Border Talks That Modi Govt Has Now Conceded?
This decision represents a fundamental departure from India's long-standing position that the border dispute must be resolved as a comprehensive package deal, as established in the 2005 Political Parameters and Guiding Principles. New Delhi: The Modi government's decision to agree to establish an expert group for exploring China's 'early harvest' proposal in the recent India-China Special Representatives talks represents a reversal of India's longstanding position that betrays decades of careful diplomacy and strategic thinking. This concession – to explore fast-tracking a settlement of the India-China boundary in the Sikkim region – comes at a time when China has been systematically using the border dispute as leverage while offering cosmetic solutions that primarily benefit Beijing's strategic objectives. What are the origins and evolution of China's 'Early Harvest' proposal? Even though the 'early harvest' in Sikkim idea had been broached by Beijing with Indian officials earlier, it first surfaced publicly in 2017 when Chinese Ambassador Luo Zhaohui cryptically mentioned it during a think tank event at New Delhi. This was a couple of months before the 2017 Doklam standoff, when Indian soldiers had crossed from Sikkim into Bhutan to stop the Chinese from constructing a road to the sensitive Jhampheri ridge. 'Early harvest' involves exclusively settling the boundary in Sikkim –a proposal which the then foreign minister Sushma Swaraj had described as the Chinese equivalent of saying a 'low-hanging fruit'. This would separate the Sikkim boundary from the three other sectors on the disputed Sino-India border: western, middle and eastern. Chinese military analyst senior colonel Zhao Xiaozhou later clarified in 2017 that the proposal essentially sought to replace the 1890 Great Britain-China convention with a new agreement signed directly between China and India. 'For China, early harvest means, we want to have a new agreement with India, because the 1890 convention was signed between Great Britain and China,' he explained, adding that China wanted to 'start from the easiest, that is what we call early harvest' in the Sikkim sector. China formally submitted these proposals to external affairs minister S. Jaishankar during his meeting with Wang Yi in Beijing in August 2019. After the 22nd dialogue of the Special Representatives on the boundary issue between Ajit Doval and Wang Yi in New Delhi in December 2019, the Chinese statement on the talks said the two sides should 'promote early harvest consultations'. There was no mention of such proposals in the statement from the Indian side. New Delhi instead linked the proposal to the simultaneous demarcation of the middle sector in Uttarakhand, in line with the 2005 agreement. What has been India's historical resistance to the proposal? What are its strategic concerns? For years, India consistently rejected China's 'early harvest' approach, recognizing it as a strategic trap. In 2019, former foreign secretary Kanwal Sibal articulated the core problem: 'China's early harvest proposal violates the 2005 agreement on the guidelines and parameters for resolving the boundary issue as it clearly says that it has to be a package deal. This is the usual Chinese way of walking out of agreements. This early harvest proposal relates to the Sikkim border which is the only one which is settled. So where is the early harvest for India in this? On the contrary, China will seek to settle the tri-junction in its favour through this proposal which is unacceptable. Is China ready to accept tri-junction as per the Indian position?' Indian officials recognised that the Sikkim proposal was 'not so simple, as any Indian agreement on demarcation will be used by Beijing to settle the boundary with Bhutan with an eye towards the Doklam plateau'. A former Indian Army chief warned that "if India settles Sikkim, where it dominates both Chumbi Valley and Finger Area up in the north, then China will expand its Chumbi Valley area and increase pressure on the Siliguri corridor in West Bengal". The strategic concern was that settling the Sikkim border would directly impact the India-China-Bhutan trijunction at Batang La, potentially allowing China to extend its reach to the Jhampheri ridge, from where "the entire Siliguri corridor becomes extremely vulnerable to the PLA. The lights of Gangtok are visible from Jhampheri ridge," as one China expert noted. Why has the Modi government conceded now? Despite years of principled resistance, the August 19, 2025 MEA statement reveals a dramatic policy reversal. The Modi government has now agreed to 'Setting up an Expert Group, under the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC), to explore Early Harvest in boundary delimitation in the India-China border areas'. In the statement issued after Wang Yi's meeting with Modi, the Chinese side said that 'on the boundary issue, new consensus was reached on… initiating boundary demarcation negotiations in areas where conditions are met'. This U-turn by the Modi government appears driven by multiple pressure points. Trump's tariff war against India, imposing 50% tariffs on Indian goods and threatening further penalties over Russian oil purchases, has made India more vulnerable to China. The Modi government appears keen to seek friendly ties with China, at Beijing's own terms, despite the obvious strategic risks. Indian officials claim that China has reportedly promised to address India's concerns regarding rare earths, fertilisers and tunnel boring machines. None of these have figured in any of the official statements but these economic carrots, essentially reversing the coercive actions taken by Beijing, have led to a major strategic concession by the Modi government. What are the strategic risks of this concession? This decision represents a fundamental departure from India's long-standing position that the border dispute must be resolved as a comprehensive package deal, as established in the 2005 Political Parameters and Guiding Principles. By agreeing to explore 'early harvest' options, the Modi government has legitimised China's piecemeal approach that violates this foundational principle. The move is particularly dangerous given China's expanding claims against Bhutan, including new territorial demands in the eastern part of the Himalayan kingdom that emerged around 2020. Any resolution of the Sikkim sector boundary without addressing these broader strategic concerns will only embolden China's aggressive posture toward India's Himalayan neighbours, security experts feel. Moreover, the agreement comes at a time when China has been systematically strengthening its border infrastructure and military capabilities. The PLA has established itself firmly in the Doklam plateau and explored alternative routes to reach the Jhampheri ridge. The PLA's enhanced capabilities, and increasing superiority over India, make any territorial concessions even more strategically problematic. To conclude, the Modi government's decision to explore China's 'early harvest' proposal represents a dangerous precedent that abandons decades of careful strategic thinking for short-term economic and political relief. By legitimising China's divide-and-conquer approach to the border dispute, the Modi government has weakened India's negotiating position and potentially compromised the strategic interests. There is no 'early harvest' for India in this arrangement, only a reversal of its longstanding policy disguised as diplomatic progress. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement
Economic Times
7 minutes ago
- Economic Times
CEOs navigating a world shaped by shifting trade & AI
Synopsis Indian CEOs are navigating global economic shifts and technological advancements. India's young population drives consumption, fueling growth. "Make in India" gains traction as supply chains diversify. Free Trade Agreements improve market access. AI is transforming businesses, supported by a thriving startup ecosystem and government initiatives. CEOs must adapt to these changes to succeed in the evolving landscape. The rules of business are being rewritten. Trade shifts and technological breakthroughs have not just disrupted markets, they've altered the architecture of the global economy. For all the challenges in front of them, this is a great time for CEOs to make a difference. Their choices really CEOs are facing these twin forces head-on. They are navigating global turbulence at the very moment their own economy continues to experience extraordinary expansion. A young, upwardly mobile population is fuelling unprecedented consumption. India's Gen Z population is 377 million strong-more than the entire population of the US-and they are already driving $860 billion of spending. Indian companies are pushing into new frontiers, from becoming suppliers of choice to a global customer base to reinventing IT services through AI-powered value of the most visible shifts is playing out in global supply chains. For more than a decade, "Make in India" was a national aspiration, but the sector's share of GDP remained at 15-17%. That is changing. The pandemic exposed the fragility of lean supply networks. Geopolitical tensions have accelerated the shift toward strategic alliances and diversified sourcing. In this reshaped landscape, India is emerging as a strong contender as companies look to find new and expanded partners for their supply shifts are presenting both challenges and opportunities. While the US has announced significant tariffs on over half of India's exports to the nation, thus presenting a challenge to the impacted sectors; its overall impact to Indian economy is quite limited, given exports to US account to only ~2% of India's GDP. On the other hand, India has been improving access to other markets through Free Trade Agreements - such as with Australia, the UK, EFTA, and the UAE. Negotiations underway with the EU could unlock an even larger prize. As companies recalibrate supply chains toward "friend-shoring" and politically aligned corridors, India's position as a reliable, strategic partner becomes more valuable. In addition, as India continues to push towards greater self-reliance, there are significant opportunities for companies in strategic sectors like electronics & semiconductors and green the same time, AI is redefining the fundamentals of business. For most CEOs, it is no longer simply a play for efficiency - it is a platform for reinventing their companies. From automating complex tasks such as coding and logistics planning to transforming customer engagement with AI agents and AI-powered service centres, the technology is redrawing workflows and job boundaries. India's AI ecosystem is evolving quickly. It is home to nearly 3,000 AI startups. The $1.2 billion India AI Mission is accelerating progress as well as funding sovereign large language models, subsidised compute infra, and national skilling programmes. Over 2 million STEM graduates each year give India capabilities that are hard to CEOs, the combination of shifting trade patterns and AI disruption demands a fundamentally different approach to leadership. Leading companies are embedding geopolitical intelligence and adaptiveness into their core strategy, redesigning supply chains with resilience as the primary objective. Leveraging AI, they reshape functions, invent new business models, and pursue for CEOs are rising as the operating environment becomes less predictable. This era calls for sharper judgment, faster pivots, and bolder bets. Execution, not intention, will determine winners and losers. Trade shifts and acceleration of AI are not passing storms, they are the prevailing winds of the next decade. Leaders who can harness both will not just navigate disruption, they will define what comes next. (Schweizer is CEO and Jain is India Head of BCG. Schweizer will be speaking at The Economic Times World Leaders Forum in New Delhi) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. The facts and opinions expressed here do not reflect the views of
