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A 'beautiful' ballroom and a new Lincoln bathroom: Trump relishes remaking the White House

A 'beautiful' ballroom and a new Lincoln bathroom: Trump relishes remaking the White House

NBC Newsa day ago
'He has a vision to make the White House as exceptional and beautiful as possible for future presidents and administrations,' the White House official said. 'He is very hands-on and involved in all of this.'
Trump checks in on construction workers on the White House grounds weekly and spends 20-30 minutes with them, asking questions, the same official said. He even invited some of those working on the Rose Garden project into the Oval Office recently.
Another White House official, also speaking on condition of anonymity, added: 'The president is very directly involved, even more so than the first lady.'
Much of Trump's aesthetic can be undone if a future president wishes. Every new president makes changes to the Oval Office décor. The Rose Garden paving can always be torn up and the grass restored. When Trump goes in 2029, the gold could follow.
'Whoever succeeds Trump, if they're not into gold, the gilding will start to come down,' said Barbara Perry, a professor of presidential studies at the University of Virginia's Miller Center.
Yet the ballroom could stand for decades as Trump's creation, much as 'the Truman Balcony' addition in 1948 is linked to Truman.
'I'm doing a lot of improvements,' Trump said. 'I'll be building a beautiful ballroom. They wanted it for many, many years.'
The White House released new details about the ballroom on Thursday, after NBC's interview with the president and follow-up questions posed by the network. Trump had chosen McCrery Architects as the lead architect, according to the White House. And Trump has held meetings with White House staff members, the National Park Service and others in recent weeks.
Officials will meet with the 'appropriate organizations' to keep intact the White House's 'special history … while building a beautiful ballroom that can be enjoyed by future administrations and generations of Americans to come,' Susie Wiles, White House chief of staff, said in a statement.
The private funding arrangement for the ballroom worries at least one congressman. Rep. Mark Pocan, D-Wis., a member of a House Appropriations panel that oversees the executive office of the presidency, said in an interview Thursday: 'It appears that he's trying to do this perhaps with private donations, but that could be a little odd.'
'Is this going to be a White House ballroom sponsored by Carl's Jr.?' Pocan asked rhetorically.
Given the magnitude of the project, Pocan said that the president should bring the plan before Congress for discussion.
'This is a major renovation and clearly should come before the committee,' Pocan said. 'This would fall under the definition of having proper oversight. It's a perfectly great conversation to have in a subcommittee meeting.'
The Senate Democratic leader, Chuck Schumer of New York, noted at a press briefing Thursday that Congress has not appropriated funding for the ballroom, saying: "Listen, I'm happy to eat my cheeseburger at my desk. I don't need a $200 million ballroom to eat it in. Okay?"
A common impression may be that the White House is a historic building frozen in amber, but it has been rebuilt, renewed and refreshed again and again since 1800, when John Adams became the first president to move in.
In most cases, presidents who undertook substantial renovations faced public blowback. In an essay posted on LinkedIn in June, Stewart McLaurin, president of the historical association, documented the fallout over the past two centuries to 'give context and set precedent for more recent changes and adaptations.'
With the building about to collapse on his head, then-President Truman carried out a complete gutting of the White House interior from 1948-52 to shore up the structure with steel beams and concrete.
'Preservationists mourned the loss of original interiors, while media outlets questioned the project's cost during post-war economic recovery,' McLaurin wrote.
The East Wing, the space earmarked for the new ballroom, was itself targeted for criticism in Roosevelt's time.
'Congressional Republicans labeled the expenditure as wasteful, with some accusing Roosevelt of using the project to bolster his presidency's image,' McLaurin wrote.
'However,' he wrote, ' the East Wing's utility in supporting the modern presidency eventually quieted critics.'
At this early stage in the planning, the verdict on Trump's ballroom vision is mixed. Some White House alumni sympathized with Trump's wish to make the complex more comfortable for visitors who often include heads of state.
Anita McBride, who was chief of staff to first lady Laura Bush, said in an email to NBC News: 'I think it's going to be an enhancement that will be welcomed by future occupants. No more big tents damaging the lawn or expensive build outs needed for major events. Clearly makes it easier to invite more people, too, when current state room capacity is limited.'
Rufus Gifford, who was chief of protocol of the U.S. in the Biden administration, likened Trump's renovation to a renter overhauling an apartment. He shouldn't make such dramatic structural changes to the iconic building on his own, Gifford said.
'The American people are Trump's landlords right now,' Gifford said.
Trump, the erstwhile builder, seems to be relishing the return to his roots. Discussing his penchant for choosing paintings to decorate the West Wing, he said: 'To me, it's enjoyment; to other people, it's work.'
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The ban on Coke sales in Indiana, while illegal, probably won't cause any irreparable harm to Coke. When it wins on appeal, Coke can calculate how much money it would have earned if it had been allowed to do business in Indiana while the injunction was in place. And a court can potentially order Pepsi to reimburse Coke for this amount of money. Now imagine a different version of Pepsi v. Coke, where Pepsi convinces a trial judge to force Coke to reveal its secret formula for Coca-Cola syrup. Once a secret is out, it is out. So, under Nken, Coke should be entitled to an immediate appeals court decision allowing it to keep its most precious trade secret confidential. As Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson explained in a pair of dissents earlier this year, however, the Republican justices appear to have abandoned Nken, at least when the Trump administration asks for shadow docket relief. In Social Security Administration v. AFSCME (2025), for example, the Republican justices ruled that DOGE, the enigmatic White House office that was once led by billionaire Elon Musk, may have immediate access to sensitive information kept by the Social Security Administration. Notably, however, when a judge asked one of Trump's lawyers what harm the government would experience if DOGE's access to this information were delayed, the lawyer did not answer — saying instead that the Trump administration would 'stand on the record in its current form.' Similarly, in the Trump administration's brief to the justices in AFSCME, Trump's lawyers did not even attempt to argue that it faced irreparable injury without shadow docket relief. That brief devoted only one paragraph to the question of irreparable harm, and it did not identify any injury to the government that could not be unraveled by a future court order. Instead, it merely complained that the lower court order blocking DOGE's access 'impinges on the President's broad authority.' And yet the Republican justices voted with Trump, violating Nken in the process. Restoring Nken would not mean that shadow docket relief was never available, or even that it would not be available to the federal government in particularly pressing cases. To understand why, consider Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk's infamous decision attempting to ban the abortion drug mifepristone by rescinding the Food and Drug Administration's approval of this medication. The Supreme Court blocked Kacsmaryk's decision on the shadow docket, and it was right to do so because cases involving pregnancy are a classic example of a time-sensitive matter where people will be irreparably harmed if the courts do not act quickly. If Kacsmaryk's order had remained in effect, many women seeking abortions would have been unable to obtain the medically recommended treatment. Some might have undergone much more invasive procedures, such as a surgical abortion. Others may have been forced to carry their pregnancy to term. These are irreparable harms. Once a woman undergoes a surgery, it is not possible to unoperate on them, and then go back in time to give them the medication that they should have received in the first place. On the other end of the spectrum, consider the Republican justices' decision in Trump v. CASA (2025), which held that lower court orders blocking Trump's attempt to strip citizenship from some Americans may have been too broad. Though CASA was the unusual shadow docket case where the Republican justices actually produced an opinion that discussed Nken, they brushed off the question of how, exactly, the government is irreparably harmed if someone remains a citizen while this case is being litigated. That was wrong. Nken should have required Trump to demonstrate why these Americans couldn't just be stripped of their citizenship at some later date if he somehow prevails in this litigation. In any event, restoring Nken would address Kavanaugh's concern about hastily drafted opinions in nearly every case. If the Court started applying Nken to Trump, most of his shadow docket petitions would simply be dismissed for seeking relief prematurely — so there would be no need for the Court to issue a rushed opinion explaining whether Trump is likely to prevail once the case is fully litigated. If Nken were still applied, the risk that lower courts would then be bound by those rushed opinions would also disappear in most cases, because there would be no opinions. There would still be occasional shadow docket decisions blocking a lower court's order — like the Court's very brief order in the mifepristone case, where the justices blocked Kacsmaryk without fully explaining themselves. But those decisions would be rare. There would no longer be more than a dozen decisions handed down in just a few months, all of which favor a Republican administration, and few of which contain any legal reasoning whatsoever.

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