East End deli to open new cafe next week
Pietro's Deli, located in Bowpark Industrial Estate on Carmyle Avenue, is set to open Mamma Vivienne's Italian Cafe.
The new eatery will open its doors on Monday, July 28.
READ NEXT: Fashion and homeware brand closes city centre store
In a post shared on Facebook, bosses wrote: "Fresh coffee, homemade pasta, crispy pizzas/ focaccias and sweet cannoli await."
Fans of the deli, which first opened five years ago selling authentic Italian produce, were delighted by the news.
READ NEXT: Cat cafe launces new rehoming charity
One person wrote: "Amazing news."
Another said: "Looking forward to bringing the kids down."
A third person commented: "The best cafe in Glesga."

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Business of Fashion
6 hours ago
- Business of Fashion
Are Luxury Brands Responsible for What Happens in Their Supply Chains?
Until the end of 2023, Z Production, a leather goods factory located in an industrial suburb of Florence, made bags and backpacks for Richemont-owned luxury pen and leather goods maker Montblanc. The items were made by workers who earned as little as $3 an hour, working 12 hours a day, six days a week, according to local union Sudd Cobas, which led a months-long campaign of strikes that succeeded in securing better hours and wages at the factory for its members in early 2023. Within weeks of the agreement, Richemont's local manufacturing unit announced plans to terminate its contract with Z Production, pointing to consistent infractions against its code of conduct. Sudd Cobas alleges the move amounted to a form of union busting and ultimately led to the dismissal of six of its members in October last year. Now it is helping the workers take the Richemont unit to court, hoping to hold the luxury giant legally accountable for damages to workers in its supply chain. Montblanc contests the claims laid out in the case and is separately suing the union for defamation. The company said the manufacturing unit ended its relationship with Z Production after audits turned up persistent issues, including a case of unauthorised subcontracting. Any dismissals took place months after its contract with the supplier ended and its inspections uncovered no evidence of the kinds of labour abuses alleged by Sudd Cobas, it added. 'We categorically reject these unfounded and defamatory accusations,' Montblanc said in an emailed statement. 'The termination of the supply relationship with Z Production has, for months, been extensively exploited… based on numerous inaccuracies, falsehoods and conjectures.' The litigation is the latest move in a high-stakes debate over how much responsibility big brands should have for what happens in their supply chains. With the case, Sudd Cobas is aiming to set a new legal precedent in Italy, where roughly half of the world's luxury goods are made. If successful, 'the ruling could represent a turning point for thousands of exploited workers across the 'Made in Italy' supply chains,' Sudd Cobas said in a press release it jointly issued with Abiti Puliti, the Italian branch of labour rights campaign group Clean Clothes Campaign, earlier this month. 'It would be the first time a fashion brand is held directly responsible for working conditions within its supply chain.' Limited Liability Business Models Most fashion companies — even high-end, luxury labels — don't make their own products. Instead they outsource production to a complex and often opaque network of third-party suppliers. That means they don't have direct control, or even real visibility, over working conditions. Critics argue it also allows them to sidestep legal liability when things go wrong. Labour rights advocates have pushed against this framing for decades, campaigning to bring more accountability to a system that they argue is deeply flawed and ultimately exists to boost the profits of big, multinational corporations. It's the constant pressure big brands place on manufacturers with much tighter margins to provide cheaper, faster, more flexible production that ultimately leads to cut corners and labour exploitation, they say. Brands use 'these subcontracting companies to save money on production,' said Francesca Ciuffi, an organiser with the Sudd Cobas union. 'They externalise everything.' Regulators have flip flopped on the issue. Over the last decade governments around the world have introduced a number of policies that require companies to get a better handle on where and how their products are made, often in response to scandals like the Rana Plaza disaster in Bangladesh and an alleged government-backed scheme of forced labour in China's cotton-producing region of Xinjiang. But often these measures have lacked teeth or been weakly enforced. Shifting political winds mean some of the most progressive rules on the table now look likely to get drastically pushed back. Litigation is seen by labour and human rights advocates as one tool to help shift the paradigm, moving the pressure on brands from one of moral accountability that impacts their reputations to one of concrete, legal consequence. Climate and human rights cases against big companies have increased alongside regulatory changes and growing investor engagement with environmental, social and governance issues. Often such cases take years and may not result in a straight win for either party. But the attention they bring to the issues and even incremental changes to the way the law is applied can make a significant difference, advocates say. 'These cases are very robustly fought by brands. Very rarely do they resolve quickly, they're always heavily contested,' said Oliver Holland, a partner at UK-based law firm Leigh Day who specialises in corporate accountability litigation. 'As cases become more common won't take as long and won't be as difficult.' Luxury Exceptionalism The case supported by Sudd Cobas comes as luxury's supply chains are facing unprecedented scrutiny. For decades, the sector has tried to pass off reports of labour abuses in apparel and leather goods factories as a fast-fashion problem, isolated to far-flung manufacturing hubs with weak worker protections. Steep prices and 'Made in Italy' labels are wielded as tools in this narrative, designed to signal to consumers that luxury products were made in tightly regulated labour markets by well-paid and highly skilled artisans. And previous scandals largely came and went, without damaging brands. But over the last 18 months, an ongoing investigation into labour exploitation in fashion workshops near Milan has exposed major issues at many of luxury's most established brands. Regional prosecutors have linked companies including Dior, Armani, Valentino and Loro Piana to local sweatshops. (The brands say that they are committed to upholding high ethical standards and the incidents don't reflect the way they operate). The scandal has proved reputationally bruising. And it's landed at a particularly unhelpful moment, when luxury's biggest players are already grappling with a downturn in consumer spending, linked in part to growing criticism of declining quality and rising prices playing out in viral posts on social media platforms. Still, the material impact has thus far been limited, While the court in Milan has been critical, arguing that luxury's links to sweatshops are the result of an entrenched operating model that ignores labour risks in order to maximise profits, sanctions against brands have focused on alleged failings in their monitoring systems and have not held them legally responsible for the way workers were treated at suppliers and subcontractors. Political efforts to address the issues have focused on developing certification programmes companies can use to prevent exposure to illicit actors. A new scheme in Milan aims to establish a database of 'good' suppliers, based on voluntary disclosures and participation. Last week, Italy's Ministry of Enterprise and Made in Italy announced plans to introduce a new law that would ensure the sustainability and legality of companies operating in the sector. Its aim is 'to combat the illicit labour practices of a few, which can compromise the reputation of the entire sector,' the ministry said in a statement, adding that the law would protect brands that have carried out preventative checks on their suppliers from liability. Critics argue such measures fail to address the underlying business practices that they say ultimately lead to exploitation. 'Brand reputations are safeguarded — not workers' rights — by the ethical codes published on corporate websites and the so-called system of 'audits,'' Sudd Cobas and Abiti Puliti said in their statement earlier this month. 'The conflict of interest is clear, and it offers no real accountability to those employed along the production chains.' Who Pays? With the case in Tuscany, Sudd Cobas is seeking to shift this paradigm. According to the argument put forward by the workers' lawyers, Richemont's local subsidiary was Z Production's only client and had active involvement in its day-to-day operations. The factory was in effect an 'empty vessel' for Richemont's Montblanc manufacturing business, making the luxury giant the ultimate responsible employer, the case claims. It alleges the Richemont unit cancelled its contract with Z Production because output dropped after working hours were regularised for union members. The lawsuit seeks to restore jobs and secure at least five months' salary as compensation for the six plaintiffs, who it claims ultimately lost their jobs as a result of the luxury company's actions. Montblanc said the case mischaracterises its manufacturing division's relationship with Z Production and that the six workers involved in the case were dismissed 18 months after the unit announced plans to terminate its contract, and 10 months after it stopped working with the supplier. Its decision to end the relationship was made after audits turned up 'persistent incidents of non-compliance' with the company's code of conduct, including unauthorised subcontracting, Montblanc said, adding that neither its own inspections, nor a third-party forensic audit conducted in early 2023 found evidence of working conditions like those alleged by Sudd Cobas. A judge in Florence's labour court consented to hear arguments in July. The next court date is set for December. Simone Stern Carbone contributed to this story.


New York Post
11 hours ago
- New York Post
Want to learn a new language? Babbel has 14 of them you can unlock for life with this partner offer
Discover startups, services, products and more from our partner StackCommerce. New York Post edits this content, and may be compensated and/or receive an affiliate commission if you buy through our links. TL;DR: Get lifetime access to lessons in 14 different languages with Babbel, now only $159 (reg. $299) with code LEARN. Learning a new language sounds great in theory, but it's easy to put off. Between busy schedules and clunky apps that waste your time with boring grammar drills and memorization, the whole process can seem overwhelming. That's why Babbel stands out. It's built to actually help people speak a new language in a way that feels practical and possible, and a lifetime subscription is now only $159 (reg. $299). Instead of dumping grammar rules and vocab lists, Babbel focuses on short, practical lessons. You'll start picking up the kinds of phrases you'd actually use, whether you're asking for directions, ordering food, or chatting with someone at a café. Each lesson is designed to be quick, so it's easy to squeeze into your day. New York Post Composite So what language do you want to learn first? Babbel gives you quite a few to choose from. Here's just a few of your options: French Spanish German Italian Danish Norwegian Indonesian You're not stuck with just one language, either. You can try out a few and pick up useful phrases in each, or dive deep into one and work toward fluency at your own pace. This offer sends soon. Use code LEARN by 11:59 p.m. PT on August 3 to get a Babbel lifetime subscription for $159. StackSocial prices subject to change.

USA Today
17 hours ago
- USA Today
Donald Trump's new Scotland golf course is ready. How can you play it?
The way President Donald Trump told it, the new Scotland golf course the Trump Organization named in his honor and dedicated to his mother wouldn't have happened without Sean Connery. He even broke out his best Bond impression to praise the late Scottish actor at the grand opening of Trump International Golf Links on Tuesday, July 29 near Aberdeen, Scotland. "The land, they said it couldn't get zoned. It was an impossibility," Trump said at the ribbon cutting ceremony before playing the course's ceremonial opening round with his son, Eric Trump, 2002 PGA champion Rich Beem and Irish golfer Paul McGinley. "Sean Connery said, 'Let the bloody bloke build his golf course.' Once he said that, everything came into line." Connery did offer support in 2008 for what Eric Trump described Tuesday as his father's "passion project," which Trump acknowledged got off to a rocky start with its neighbors. There were environmental concerns due to the resort's intrusion on the region's sand dunes and Trump's alleged tactics trying to acquire land. But Connery cited the potential benefits to the economy when Trump's initial $1.5 billion plan, which also included hundreds of houses that have not been built yet, received approval from the Scottish government. "During tough economic times, this is a major vote of confidence in Scotland's tourist industry and our ability to rise to the challenge," Connery said, according to the Daily Express. "I look forward to seeing a new gem in the north-east that is good for Aberdeenshire and good for Scotland." The resulting 36-hole golf resort, featuring a highly-acclaimed "Old Course" built in 2012 and the new course Trump formally debuted before returning to the United States after a five-day visit to Scotland, will officially open to the public on August 13. Before that, the property is set to host PGA Legends Tour and DP World Tour events the next two weeks. It will join Trump Turnberry, which Trump bought in 2014, as Scottish golf destinations. Tee times and hotel rooms are available starting next month for what the Trump Organization has dubbed "the greatest 36 holes in golf." But it won't necessarily come cheap. Here's a breakdown of how to stay and play at Trump's newest golf course, Trump International Golf Links. How to stay at Trump's new golf course Those wanting to play golf at Trump's golf property outside Aberdeen, Scotland, can stay on property. Trump MacLeod House & Lodge Hotel is billed as a five-star Scottish baronial mansion nestled within the 1,400-acre grounds of Trump International Golf Links, which is located on the former Menie Estate of Balmedie on the Scottish North-East coast. There are 19 "lavish" guest rooms (with personal butler service available), Italian marble staircases, intimate dining and bar facilities, a separate whisky bar, a full spa, outdoor hot tub, traditional log fires and secret stairways. It's available for exclusive use, corporate events and weddings and "minutes" from the property's golf courses. A house or lodge room for the week beginning on Sunday, August 18 ‒ the earliest day rooms are available as of July 29 ‒ costs 683 Euros (about $787) or more, depending on availability and number of nights. "We had an unlimited budget and we exceeded it," Eric Trump said. "This was his (father's) Mona Lisa." There are also golf packages that include hotel stays, with options built around playing one round or two rounds on the two courses at Trump International Golf Links. The two-night version featuring two rounds of golf on the property's old and new course, which includes a two-night stay at the hotel, a welcome dinner and a dram of whisky and breakfast, costs 2,500 Euros per person (about $2,884) or 4000 Euros (about $4,615) for two people sharing a room. The package is available from August 25 until October 31, 2025, according to the property website. The one-night version, which includes one round of golf on the property's old course, a one-night stay at the hotel and a three-course dinner at The Dunes Restaurant & Bar at the golf clubhouse, costs 1,070 Euros (about $1,234) for a single occupancy room and 782.50 Euros (about $903) per person for a double occupancy room. A one-night package with just golf and hotel accommodations costs 985 Euros ($1,136) for a single occupancy room and 697.50 Euros (about $804) per person for a double occupancy room. In November and December, the costs drop to 460 Euros (about $530) per person per night. The property website also advertises a "Winter Getaway for two" package at 495 Euros (about $571). It includes a one-night stay, three-course dinner at "Trump's Restaurant & Cellar," breakfast in the morning and beauty and wellness treatments at the hotel spa. How to play at Trump International Golf Links Golfers looking to play Trump International Golf Links can get tee times on the old course, the new course or "play the greatest 36 holes in golf." Tee times are available on the new course and old course beginning on Aug. 13, with greens fees costing 495 Euros (about $571) per person. There is a combined "Greatest 36" rate as well until October 31. Tee times will be allocated on a first-come-first-serve basis during the first few months of play, according to the property website. There are also various levels of club membership available for an undisclosed cost. "It's going to be something special and the big question is which is going to be better if there is such a thing," Donald Trump said about the two 18-hole courses, "because we've had such great ratings on the first, I don't know if you can match them on the second, but the second should be every bit as good. The land is of equal quality right on the North Sea and it's going to be good." Golfweek ranked the property's old course No. 31 in the international courses in its 2024 rankings.