
Kurdish PKK says it will disband and end armed struggle
The decision follows founder Abdullah Ocalan's call for the PKK to disarm and disband.
The PKK's insurgency since 1984 has cost more than 40,000 lives.
The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) has announced its dissolution and the end of more than four decades of armed struggle against the Turkish state, the pro-Kurd ANF news agency reported.
'The 12th PKK Congress has decided to dissolve the PKK's organisational structure and end its method of armed struggle,' the group announced on Monday in a statement, after holding its congress last week.
The PKK's announcement to dissolve itself heeds a call by its founder Abdullah Ocalan, jailed in an island off Istanbul since 1999, who urged his fighters in February to disarm and disband.
In a letter, Ocalan urged the PKK to hold a congress to formalise the decision.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Newsroom
5 days ago
- Newsroom
Watchdog rules against foreign ministry in dispute over whether Israel group was ‘vexatious'
The foreign ministry should not have refused to answer information requests from a pro-Israel think tank on the grounds that it saw them as vexatious, a government watchdog has ruled. However, the Ombudsman's Office has labelled as inappropriate the Israel Institute of NZ's alleged harassment of ministry staff via social media, warning any continuation or escalation of its behaviour could lead to a change of opinion.


Scoop
5 days ago
- Scoop
Fragmenting A Nation: Israel's Enduring Pursuit Of Palestinian Disunity
Israel is aggressively implementing plans to shape Palestine's future and the broader region, sculpting its vision for the 'day after' its genocide in Gaza. The latest, bizarre iteration of this strategy proposes fragmenting the occupied West Bank into so-called 'emirates,' starting with the 'emirate of Hebron.' This unexpected twist in Israel's protracted search for alternative Palestinian leadership first surfaced in the staunchly pro-Israeli US newspaper, the Wall Street Journal. It then quickly dominated all Israeli media. The report details a letter from a person identified by the WSJ as "the leader of Hebron's most influential clan." Addressed to Nir Barakat, Jerusalem's former Israeli mayor, the letter from Sheikh Wadee' al-Jaabari appeals for "cooperation with Israel" in the name of "co-existence." This "co-existence," according to the "clan leader", would materialize in the "Emirate of Hebron." This "emirate" would "recognize the State of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people," in exchange for reciprocal recognition of the "Emirate of Hebron as the Representative of the Arab residents in the Hebron District." The story may seem perplexing. This is because Palestinian discourse, regardless of geography or political affiliation, has never entertained such an absurd concept as united West Bank 'emirates.' Another element of absurdity is that Palestinian national identity and pride in their people's unwavering resilience, especially in Gaza, are at an unprecedented apex. To float such clan-based alternatives to legitimate Palestinian leadership seems ill-conceived and is destined to fail. Israel's desperation is palpable. In Gaza, it cannot defeat Hamas and other Palestinian factions who have resisted the Israeli takeover of the Strip for 21 months. All attempts to engineer an alternative Palestinian leadership there have utterly collapsed. This failure has compelled Israel to arm and fund a criminal gang that operated before October 7, 2023, in Gaza. This gang functions under the command of Yasser Abu Shabab. The gang has been implicated in a litany of violent activities. These include hijacking humanitarian aid to perpetuate famine in Gaza and orchestrating violence associated with aid distribution, among other egregious crimes. Like the clan leader of Hebron, the Abu Shabab criminal gang possesses no legitimacy and no public support among Palestinians. But why would Israel resort to such disreputable figures when the Palestinian Authority (PA), already engaged in "security coordination" with Israel in the West Bank, is ostensibly willing to comply? The answer lies in the current Israeli extremist government's adamant refusal to acknowledge Palestinians as a nation. Thus, even a collaborating Palestinian nationalist entity would be deemed problematic from an Israeli perspective. While Benjamin Netanyahu's government is not the first Israeli leadership to explore clan-based alternatives among Palestinians, the Israeli prime minister and his extremist allies are exceptionally determined to dismantle any Palestinian claim to nationhood. This was explicitly stated by extremist Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. He famously declared in Paris, in March 2023, that a Palestinian nation is an "invention." Thus, despite the PA's willingness to cooperate with Israel in controlling Gaza, Israel remains apprehensive. Empowering the PA as a nationalist model fundamentally contravenes Israel's overarching objectives of denying the Palestinian people their very claim to nationhood and, consequently, statehood and sovereignty. Though Israel has consistently failed to establish and sustain its own alternative Palestinian leadership, its repeated efforts have invariably proven disruptive and violent. Prior to the Nakba of 1948, the Zionist movement, alongside British authorities colonizing Palestine, heavily invested in undermining the Arab Higher Committee, anationalist body comprising several political parties. They achieved this by empowering collaborating clans, hoping to dilute the Palestinian nationalist movement. When Israel occupied the remainder of historic Palestine in 1967, it reverted to the same divide-and-conquer tactics. For instance, it established a Palestinian police force directly commanded by Israeli military administrations, in addition to creating an underground network of collaborators. Following the overwhelming victory of nationalist candidates in the 1976 elections in occupied Palestine, Israel responded by cracking down on PLO-affiliated politicians, arresting, deporting and assassinating some. Two years later, in 1978, it launched its 'Village Leagues' project. It hand-picked compliant traditional figures, designating them as the legitimate representatives of Palestinians. These individuals, armed, protected and financed by the Israeli occupation army, were positioned to represent their respective clans in Hebron, Bethlehem, Ramallah, Gaza and elsewhere. Palestinians immediately denounced them as collaborators. They were widely boycotted and socially ostracized. Eventually, it became evident that Israel had no alternative but to engage directly with the PLO. This culminated in the Oslo Accords in 1993 and the subsequent formation of the PA. The fundamental problem, however, persisted: the PA's insistence on a Palestinian state remains anathema to an Israel that has shifted dramatically to the right. This explains Netanyahu's government's unwavering insistence that the PA has no role in Gaza in any 'day after' scenario. While the PA could serve Israel's interest in containing the rebellious Strip, such a triumph would inevitably recenter the discussion of a Palestinian state—a concept repugnant to most Israelis. There is no doubt that neither the Abu Shabab gang nor the Hebron emirate will govern Palestinians, either in Gaza or the West Bank. Israel's insistence on fabricating these alternatives, however, underscores its historic determination to deny Palestinians any sense of nationhood. Israel's persistent fantasies of control invariably fail. Despite their profound wounds, Palestinians are more unified than ever, their collective identity and nationhood hardened by relentless resistance and countless sacrifices. - Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is ' Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out'. His other books include 'My Father was a Freedom Fighter' and 'The Last Earth'. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is


Scoop
6 days ago
- Scoop
New Caledonia's Politicians To Get Police Protection Following Death Threats
, Correspondent French Pacific Desk New Caledonian politicians who inked their commitment to a deal with France on 12 July will be offered special police protection, following threats uttered especially on social networks. The group to benefit from such measures includes almost twenty members of New Caledonia's parties, both pro-France and pro-independence, who took part in deal-breaking negotiations with the French State that ended on 12 July 2025, and a joint commitment regarding New Caledonia's political future. The endorsed document envisages a roadmap in the coming months to turn New Caledonia into a "State", but within the French realm. It is what some legal experts have sometimes referred to as "a State within the State", while others saying this was tantamount to pushing the French Constitution to its very limits. The document is a commitment by all signatories that, from now on, they will stick to their respective positions. The tense but conclusive negotiations took place behind closed doors in a hotel in the small city of Bougival, near Paris, under talks driven by French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls and a team of high-level French government representatives and advisors. It followed Valls's several unsuccessful attempts, earlier this year, to reach a consensus between parties who want New Caledonia to remain part of France and others representing the pro-independence movement. Necessary concessions from both sides But to reach a compromise agreement, both sides have had to make concessions. The pro-French parties, for instance, have had to endorse the notion of a State of New Caledonia or that of a double French-New Caledonian nationality. Pro-independence parties have had to accept the plan to modify the rules of eligibility to vote at local elections so as to allow more non-native French nationals to join the local electoral roll. They also had to postpone or even give up on the hard-line full sovereignty demand for now. Over the past five years and after a series of three referendums (held between 2018 and 2021) on self-determination, both camps have increasingly radicalised. This resulted in destructive and deadly riots that broke out in May 2024, resulting in 14 deaths, over €2 billion in material damage, thousands of jobless and the destruction of hundreds of businesses. Over one year later, the atmosphere in New Caledonia remains marked by a sense of tension, fear, uncertainty on both sides of the political chessboard. Since the deal was signed and made public, on 12 July, and even before flying back to New Caledonia, all parties have been targeted by a wide range of reactions from their militant bases, especially on social media. Some of the reactions have included thinly-veiled death threats in response to a perception that, on one side or another, the deal was not up to the militants' expectations and that the parties' negotiators were now regarded as "traitors". Since signing the Paris agreement, all parties have also recognised the need to "sell" and "explain" the new agreement to their respective militants. Most of the political parties represented during the talks have already announced they will hold meetings in the coming days, in what is described as "an exercise in pedagogy". "In a certain number of countries, when you sign compromises after hundreds of hours of discussions and when it's not accepted (by your militants), you lose your reputation. In our can risk your life", moderate pro-France Calédonie Ensemble leader Philippe Gomès, who was part of the negotiations, told public broadcaster Nouvelle-Calédonie La Première on Wednesday. Pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) chief negotiator Emmanuel Tjibaou, as early as Saturday 12 July, was the first to envision negative repercussions back in New Caledonia. Tjibaou's fateful precedent "To choose this difficult and new path also means we'll be subject to criticism. We're going to get insulted, threatened, precisely because we have chosen a different path", he told a post-signing debrief meeting hosted by French President Emmanuel Macron. In 1988, Tjibaou's father, pro-independence leader Jean-Marie Tjibaou, also signed a historic deal (known as the "Matignon-Oudinot accords" with pro-France's Jacques Lafleur, under the auspices of then Prime Minister Michel Rocard. The deal largely contributed to restoring peace in New Caledonia, after a state of quasi-civil war during the second half of the 1980s. The following year, he and his closest associate, Yeiwéné Yeiwéné, were both shot dead by a man who was identified as Djubelly Wéa, a hard-line member of the pro-independence movement, who believed the signing of the 1988 deal was a "betrayal" of the indigenous Kanak people's struggle for sovereignty and independence. 'Nobody has betrayed anybody' "Nobody has betrayed anybody, whichever party he belongs to. All of us, on both sides, have defended and remained faithful to their beliefs. We had to work and together find a common ground for the years to come, for (New) Caledonians. Now that's what we need to explain", pro-France Rassemblement-LR leader Virginie Ruffenach said. In an interview earlier this week, Valls said he was very much aware of the local tensions. "I'm aware there are risks, even serious ones. And not only political. There are threats on elections, on politicians, on the delegations. What I'm calling for is debate, confrontation of ideas and calm". "I'm aware that there are extremists out there, who may want to provoke a civil war...a tragedy is always possible. "The risk is always there. Since the accord was signed, there have been direct threats on New Caledonian leaders, pro-independence or anti-independence. We're going to act to prevent this. There cannot be death threats on social networks against pro-independence or anti-independence leaders", Valls said. Over the past few days, special protection French Police officers have already been deployed to New Caledonia to take care of politicians who took part in the Bougival talks and wish to be placed under special scrutiny. "They will be more protected than (French cabinet) ministers", French national public broadcaster France Inter reported on Tuesday.