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Trump falls for Zelensky's dapper look, 6 months after dressing him down at White House

Trump falls for Zelensky's dapper look, 6 months after dressing him down at White House

The fates of nations have rarely, if ever, been decided by sartorial choices.
But Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was certainly hoping that a spot of fashion diplomacy on Monday could get US counterpart Donald Trump to help his country reach a peace deal with Russia.
Despite the life-and-death matters unfolding in Ukraine, much of the speculation among the White House press corps was about whether Zelensky would wear a suit.
In February, Ukraine's wartime leader was ridiculed by a right-wing US reporter for wearing military-style garb instead of a business suit when he visited the Oval Office.
That mocking exchange set the tone for an astonishing blow-up a few minutes later when Trump and Vice-President J.D. Vance proceeded to berate Zelensky for not being 'grateful' for US support against Russia's invasion.
What a difference six months makes.
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Trump falls for Zelensky's dapper look, 6 months after White House dressing down
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The fates of nations have rarely, if ever, been decided by sartorial choices. But Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was certainly hoping that a spot of fashion diplomacy on Monday could get US counterpart Donald Trump to help his country reach a peace deal with Russia. Despite the life-and-death matters unfolding in Ukraine, much of the speculation among the White House press corps was about whether Zelensky would wear a suit. In February, Ukraine's wartime leader was ridiculed by a right-wing US reporter for wearing military-style garb instead of a business suit when he visited the Oval Office. That mocking exchange set the tone for an astonishing blow-up a few minutes later when Trump and Vice-President J.D. Vance proceeded to berate Zelensky for not being 'grateful' for US support against Russia's invasion. What a difference six months makes.

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China is preparing to put its undersea ambitions on parade, rolling out giant drone submarines that could one day strike at the US undersea sensor network and tilt the balance of the Pacific's silent war. This month, Naval News reported that China is expected to unveil two new extra-large uncrewed underwater vehicles (XLUUVs) during a September 3 military parade in Beijing marking the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The unveiling will be the first public appearance of these unmanned assets and will seek to signal China's rapid progress in underwater drone technology. The AJX002 model, approximately 18–20 meters long with pump-jet propulsion and modular transport features, has been observed uncovered during parade rehearsals. A second, larger design—concealed under tarpaulin—features dual stern masts and X-form rudders, suggesting significant design divergence. 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Ball and Tanter write that the line arcs from Kyushu's Kagoshima down the Osumi Islands to Okinawa, then via Miyako and Yonaguni past Taiwan to the Philippines' Balabac, onward to Lombok in eastern Indonesia and across the Sunda Strait to northern Sumatra and the Andamans with key nodes at Okinawa and Guam and allied sections provided by Japan and Taiwan. The Fish Hook's purpose is not subtle, and Beijing knows it. Underscoring the threat the network poses to China's submarine force, Ryan Martinson writes in a June 2025 Center for International Maritime Security article that even with rapid modernization, China's submarine fleet remains critically vulnerable to US undersea surveillance. Citing People's Liberation Army Navy officers in the Military Art journal, Martinson says Chinese submarines face a 'fairly high probability' of detection during peacetime operations, even within the First Island Chain. 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Were such capabilities fielded at scale, the effect would not be theatrical sabotage but a methodical campaign to blind fixed arrays, snarl repair timelines and force the US and its allies to rely on more expensive, finite and predictable patrol patterns. The stakes for China's broader war plans are straightforward. Should China manage to neutralize US and allied undersea sensor networks, its submarines could contribute substantially to a blockade of Taiwan, and its undersea nuclear deterrent would be freed from the constraints of a bastion strategy in the South China Sea. In an August 2024 report for the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Bonny Lin and others note that Chinese submarines are poised to play a critical role in enforcing a blockade of Taiwan. Lin and others say that in high-intensity operations, PLAN submarines would conduct covert mine-laying near Taiwan's ports and shipping lanes, disrupt maritime traffic and support joint firepower strikes. The writers add that stealth enables early deployment to shape the battlespace, while integration with aviation units enhances interdiction. They add that submarines bolster China's ability to maintain persistent pressure, complicate Taiwan's maritime awareness and deter foreign intervention. Neutralizing the Fish Hook would have equally profound implications for China's nuclear deterrent. China is implementing a bastion strategy in the South China Sea, where its nuclear ballistic-missile submarines can operate inside a protected zone defended by artificial islands, land-based aircraft and warships. Further, China's nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs) armed with the JL-2 submarine-launched ballistic missile do not have the range to hit the US mainland from the South China Sea, although the longer-ranged JL-3 will allow it to do so. However, in a bastion strategy, China's SSBNs remain bottled up in a small operational area, which is routinely patrolled by US nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSNs), as opposed to Pacific open-sea patrols that exponentially increase the difficulty of tracking down submarines. XLUUVs that can harass seabed arrays, complicate acoustic baselines and strike at repair ships would be a force multiplier for any future transition from bastion patrols to broader, less predictable open-sea deterrent patrols. None of this makes the XLUUVs a silver bullet. The US and its allies have spent decades refining anti-submarine warfare (ASW) and are unlikely to cede the initiative. While US and allied ASW assets can intercept Chinese submarines, the large size of China's submarine force—60 submarines according to the US Department of Defense's 2024 China Military Power Report (CMPR)—and a huge production base that has outpaced the US at the industrial level make interception with overstretched US and allied ASW capabilities a formidable challenge. Stressing the shortage of US and allied ASW assets in the Pacific, the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) noted in its 2024 Asia-Pacific Regional Security Assessment that the US and its allies continue to face challenges in sustaining comprehensive maritime domain awareness, even as they expand patrols and sensor networks across the region. The IISS notes that India and Australia have expanded joint maritime-patrol aircraft deployments, coordinated patrols and coastal radar initiatives with partners, while smaller Southeast Asian states remain reliant on outside assistance. It adds that gaps in ASW and underwater domain awareness persist despite these efforts. Whether China can turn its growing undersea arsenal into a durable advantage depends more on surpassing US surveillance and exploiting gaps in allied ASW defenses, which are still thin across the Pacific. Between those facts lies the real test for the drones on parade—whether they can do enough, soon enough, to blind an adversary that has spent decades learning to see under the waves.

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