NISAR and new space frontiers
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News18
2 hours ago
- News18
Trump Has Crossed The Line—But India Has Options That Can Flip The Game
With his erratic and irresponsible behaviour, President Trump has effectively vetoed the spirit of India-US ties A fresh wave of hostility is emanating from the Trump camp—25 per cent tariffs on India, mocking jibes about 'Pakistani oil", the taunt that India's economy is 'dead", and a threat that India and Russia can sink together. This messaging signals a deeper frustration within the Trump team over India's refusal to bend. Trump's tariff attack reeks of sour grapes. India has proven to be a tough negotiator, clear in its red lines and unwilling to compromise on core interests. Trump's tactics of shifting goalposts, last-minute bait-and-switches, and playing the bully have hit a wall. The tariff announcement came just as India successfully launched NISAR, the largest joint mission between ISRO and NASA. Instead of celebrating a milestone in India-US cooperation, Trump responded with a blistering blow. The move was not without precedent; similar tactics were used with Japan and the EU. But the sudden pivot to threatening to penalise India for its oil trade with Russia while having praised and sweet-talked Putin throughout his own campaign and after marks a particularly cynical turn. By mockingly offering 'Pakistani oil" after making a shoddy deal with Pakistan to drill out its oil reserves, and branding India as a 'dead economy", Trump has crossed a diplomatic redline. He seems determined to bait India into a bad deal. But New Delhi hasn't taken the bait. Trump has fundamentally misread India—from claiming he resolved the India-Pakistan conflict to underestimating India's economic trajectory. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made it clear in Parliament: no foreign leader advised him to 'stop the war". That statement closed the door on Trump's attempt to insert himself into South Asia's conflict dynamics. As for India's economy: far from 'dead", it is the world's fastest-growing major economy and the fourth largest overall. Trade with the US alone stands at $132 billion, with India exporting $77.5 billion and the US exporting almost $55 billion, as much as its exports to Germany, in the last fiscal year. When Trump claims the US does 'very little business" with India, the numbers prove otherwise. With such erratic and irresponsible behaviour, Trump has effectively vetoed the spirit of India-US ties. India cannot incentivise this pattern with capitulation. So far, New Delhi's calm, measured response reflects a deliberate strategy: ignore the provocations, keep focus on India's long-term interests, and avoid any knee-jerk concessions. Modi is simply playing the long game. Trump Playing Russia Card Out of Ukraine Desperation India had negotiated in good faith and was ready to offer substantial trade concessions—something Trump could've claimed as a win. Instead, he targeted India's agriculture and dairy sectors—an unacceptable move in a country where more than half the population depends on farming. Worse still, he kept shifting goalposts, and ultimately, he injected Russia into the mix at the eleventh hour, demanding that India halt oil purchases or face unspecified penalties. His abrasive tactics go beyond just the trade deal and have inflicted long-term damage on trust in the India-US relationship. From playing the Pakistan card, to inserting the Russia angle, to threatening India's economy, Trump's bullying is counterproductive. It's bad diplomacy. The real issue might be Trump's own failure to come through. He promised to end the Russia-Ukraine war. That hasn't happened. Neither Putin nor Zelenskyy has come to the table, and Putin continues to defy US efforts. Frustrated, Trump appears to be pivoting—resuming weapons support to Ukraine and looking for new pressure points. One of them, apparently, is India. Senator Lindsey Graham is already floating ideas of secondary sanctions, tariffs of 100 per cent to 500 per cent, to punish India and China for continuing Russian oil imports. But instead of admitting failure and seeking India's help to broker peace, Trump has chosen to antagonise a key US partner. This is overreach—and it risks turning the clock back on the relationship. On India's part, there are reports that state refiners have ceased purchases of Russian oil, although a majority of it is bought by private refiners. Trump has taken note, claiming with uncertainty that India will stop purchases. India shunning Russian oil in its entirety will instantly raise global oil prices from an added $10 at first to as high as $140 a barrel if sustained, and raise its own import bill to $14 billion. No one wants that, including Trump, who may be going for optics to push forth with a trade deal. India's Options Can Flip The Game Although retaliation is not being considered mid-negotiation, India has a broad spectrum of options should tensions escalate. On trade, retaliatory tariffs, especially on steel and aluminium, remain firmly on the table. In defence, Trump may have already undermined any prospects of an F-35 deal with India. Reports say India has already communicated that it is not interested in buying F-35s especially given that technology transfer and co-production is not on the table. Other prospective defence deals could come under trouble as well, especially since India is miffed with delayed deliveries of the order already in place. Though the US shows a $49.5 billion trade deficit with India in goods, it actually has a $35-40 billion overall surplus when earnings from education, digital services, finance, royalties, and arms sales are included. Trump's view is distorted. Putting these factors on the table may change his mind. For Trump, the trade grievance is all about goods and no services, but that's where India can hit back hard: from imposing added duties on US tech giants to tightening anti-trust rules, raising penalties and pushing data sovereignty legislation. Education could also become a powerful lever. India is one of the largest spenders on costly American higher education. Redirecting this investment, either by retaining talent and capital within the country or shifting focus to nations that respect Indian interests would serve India's long-term strategic goals. India can also infuse new energy into PLI schemes, sweetening the industrial subsidies even more. Geopolitically, signals are already emerging: the revival of RIC (Russia-India-China), the strengthening of BRICS, and a more assertive India in the Indo-Pacific. If the current trajectory continues, the Quad may face an untimely and bitter end. While US support has proved transient, the Chinese threat is permanent. India can work with partners like Japan, Australia, Indonesia, and the Philippines without being drawn into a zero-sum great power rivalry. These options go far into the future. From Japan to the EU, the pattern of Trump's trade deals is clear: verbal promises, inflated headline numbers, one-sided tariff concessions, and a generous ego boost for Trump but no signatures, no binding commitments, no deadlines, and plenty of loopholes. These deals serve dual purposes. Trump gets the optics, tariffs on the American side and none on the other, large investment promises, energy and defence buyouts, a 'deal" he can talk up for political mileage, while the other side retains deniability. If Trump quotes these verbal agreements, it becomes politically expensive for his counterpart. But the other side still walks away with lowered tariffs, market stability, and enough ambiguity to keep negotiating behind the scenes. In this context, India has been facing a strategic choice. Is it worth entering into an agreement in principle laced with promises and optical wins for Trump—buying time, securing lower tariffs, and continuing talks in the background? Or should India push for a more formal, legally binding agreement, one that Trump can't arbitrarily tear up later, but which may be harder to land now? It's become increasingly clear that India will follow the former. If the president ultimately climbs down, which is likely given his pattern and style, the 25 per cent rate may be lowered. top videos View all The core realisation across capitals is that, for Trump, tariffs are not just a negotiating tool, they are the goal. He wants tariffs for domestic reasons: to boost revenue, cut trade deficits, bankroll future tax breaks, and revive American industries. His administration openly celebrates tariff collections, viewing them as a cash windfall for the treasury. An amount of $150 billion has already been collected. Japan and the EU may have reached their limits. But India, less reliant on exports, has been more patient—for now. And perhaps that is why Trump has been using larger geopolitical threats and putting strategic pillars of India-US ties at risk. The latest salvos make negotiation tougher. While there's still time for the US President to recalibrate and repair the damage, the mistrust he has seeded will linger well beyond any short-term agreement. About the Author Shubhangi Sharma Shubhangi Sharma is News Editor - Special Projects at News18. She covers foreign affairs and geopolitics, and also keeps a close watch on the national pulse of India. tags : BRICS China donald trump pakistan pm narendra modi RIC tariffs United states view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 02, 2025, 11:54 IST News opinion Opinion | Trump Has Crossed The Line—But India Has Options That Can Flip The Game Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Time of India
4 hours ago
- Time of India
India targets 8 to 10% share in the commercial satellite launch market, says ISRO chief
By K Praveen Kumar The Indian space sector is aiming to achieve an 8 to 10 % share in the global commercial space market over the next 10 years, and for that, a lot of work needs to be done, ISRO Chairman Dr V Narayanan said here on Friday. In an exclusive interview with PTI Videos, Narayanan said India needs to improve infrastructure, industry-led development, and manufacturing capabilities. At present, India's share in the global commercial space market is less than 2%. "In the initial phase of our activities, we were not focusing on the commercial aspect. But today, we are in the commercial field," Narayanan said. He said India's OneWeb India Mission helped improve the country's commercial credibility-a project indigenously developed due to geopolitical reasons following the Ukraine war. "Using one rocket, we had to place 36 satellites into orbit. Achieving a difference of just a few centimetres in orbital placement is not an easy task. We accomplished it through a unique scheme, demonstrating a commercially successful mission. It surprised the entire international community," he said. He added that India has so far carried out 14 commercial launches. "A country that did not have satellite technology, launch vehicle technology, or application-oriented capability 50 years ago has now launched 433 satellites for 32 countries. So, we are in the game," he said. Narayanan said ISRO would soon launch a 6,500-kg commercial satellite from the United States using its Mark III rocket, the last of three missions India is undertaking in coordination with NASA. India had successfully launched the NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR) satellite-the costliest satellite launched so far-on July 30 using the Mark II F16 rocket. The ISRO chairman said that since the Prime Minister rolled out space sector reforms to encourage public-private partnerships, capacity building has been steadily increasing. "Ten years ago, we hardly had one startup working in the space area. Today, we have over 300 startups operating in the sector," Narayanan said. He noted that demand for space-based services has been rising across sectors. "For example, earlier, if someone approached a bank for an agricultural loan, officials had to physically verify the land and the crops being cultivated. Now, they can assess the data in real time. Similarly, in the event of a drought, real-time assessments can be done from indoors, instead of through physical surveys. "A lot of real-time data processing is happening, and data with up to five-centimetre resolution is available free of cost. People can process this data and use it for multiple purposes," he added. He said other countries are now approaching India for their space requirements, recognizing the country's technological advancements. "Don't think India is the India of 1947. Today, we are a spacefaring, dynamic nation. For example, on the 30th of last month, we launched NASA's NISAR satellite, worth ₹10,300 crore. NASA came to India for the launch. That shows our technological capability, advancement, and the precision with which our people work. This is what's motivating other countries to come to us," he said. When asked whether ongoing trade restrictions and tariff policies under the Trump administration might affect space collaboration between India and the U S, Narayanan said the subject is beyond his "domain of expertise". "These two things-politics and science-have to be separated. I am a technocrat, and that question is beyond my domain," he said. However, the ISRO chief added, "Technologically, we are in an advanced state. So whatever contracts we have signed, we are going to execute. That is all I can comment on." Welcoming the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model in the Indian space sector, Narayanan said ISRO alone cannot meet growing market demand, and the private sector has a significant role to play. "When I joined ISRO, there used to be one launch every three years. This year, we plan to have one launch every month. Now, you may ask why we need so many launches. So far, we have developed 132 satellites, of which 55 are currently in orbit, serving the people of this country. "These services ensure national safety and security. Do you know how many satellites are required for that? Two years ago, our counterparts deployed 100 satellites in a single year. The demand for satellite technology is enormous," Narayanan said. He projected that in another three years, ISRO may need to have three times the current number of satellites in orbit to meet demand. "ISRO alone cannot do this. It is a government organisation. Over the last 10 years, our manpower has grown by less than five %. That's why the private sector needs to step in, in a big way," he said. He concluded by stating that, based on current demand, India should be launching three rockets per month to meet the country's requirements.
Hans India
5 hours ago
- Hans India
Sona SPEED Motors Power NASA–ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR) Mission
Bengaluru: When the GSLV-F16 lifted off from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre in Sriharikota on the evening of July 30, scores of researchers at the SonaSPEED laboratories in Salem and Bengaluru rejoiced, as the Simplex Permanent Magnet Stepper Motors developed and built by them had successfully powered the first ISRO–NASA Earth Observation Mission. The Simplex Permanent Magnet Stepper Motors, forming part of the NISAR mission rocket built at the SonaSPEED laboratory in Bengaluru, deploy technology developed by researchers at Sona College of Technology's Sona Special Power Electronics & Electric Drives (SonaSPEED) division in Salem. The SonaSPEED stepper motor helps control the fuel-mixture ratio in the actuator assembly of the GSLV-F16, which mixes liquid hydrogen and oxygen to fire the cryogenic engine for the rocket's final stage. Precise regulation of the liquid fuel and oxidiser mixture ensures reliable engine performance during the ascent phase. This simple yet sophisticated Simplex Permanent Magnet Stepper Motor is mission-critical: during the high-stress launch sequence, its accurate position control is crucial for stable combustion and trajectory fidelity—factors essential for the successful deployment of the NISAR payload. The NASA–ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR) mission signifies a new milestone in global climate and disaster monitoring, featuring all-weather, day-and-night imaging capabilities. SonaSPEED motors have been used in earlier GSLV launch missions, including India's moon mission, Chandrayaan-3. The SonaSPEED factory on the outskirts of Bengaluru manufactures crucial components for aerospace and outer space applications. SonaSPEED has been ISRO's trusted technology partner for nearly two decades, delivering space-grade electrical machines such as Permanent Magnet Stepper Motors, BLDC motors, and reaction wheels for previous missions—including Chandrayaan-2, Chandrayaan-3, and the RLV landing test. It may be recalled that the Simplex Permanent Magnet Stepper Motors featured prominently in the LVM3 actuator assembly for the Chandrayaan-3 mission, which achieved India's historic first lunar south pole landing in August 2023. SonaSPEED is one of the 36 R&D Centres at Sona College of Technology, an autonomous institution under Anna University, awarded the highest accreditation grade of NAAC A++ by the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC), an autonomous body of the University Grants Commission. The CGPA score of 3.65 marks a significant improvement over its previous evaluation conducted five years ago, placing it among a select group of top-rated colleges.
