Replace India's national flag with a saffron flag: Veteran BJP leader N Sivarajan
PALAKKAD: Inviting widespread outrage, likely to escalate political debate in days to come, veteran BJP leader and former National Council member N Sivarajan made a controversial call to replace India's national flag with a saffron flag.
The incident occurred during a public protest organised by the BJP at the Anchuvilakku Junction in Palakkad, where the party accused both the LDF and UDF of insulting 'Bharat Mata'.
During the protest, Sivarajan, who is the BJP sitting councillor in Palakkad municipality, stated that political parties should be prohibited from using flags resembling the national tricolour.
Targeting the Congress and NCP, he further said they should adopt distinct flags -- suggesting that the Congress would use a green flag. Sivarajan went on to say that Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, who he alleged were ignorant of Indian history, could instead fly the Italian flag.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Scroll.in
22 minutes ago
- Scroll.in
The paradox of English: It is both a foreign tongue and a deeply embedded Indian language
Alongside their offensive against Urdu, India's language nationalists appear to have turned their ire on English. That is what one could conclude from the declaration by Union Home Minister Amit Shah at a book launch in New Delhi on Thursday, when he predicted that 'soon a time would come when those speaking English will feel ashamed'. 'In our lifetime, we will see a society in which those speaking English will feel ashamed, that day is not far,' he said. 'I believe that the languages of our country are the ornament of our culture. Without them, we would not have been Bharatiya. Our country, its history, its culture, our dharma – if these have to be understood, it cannot be done in foreign languages.' Shah's statement quickly sparked a political backlash. Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, countered forcefully: 'English is not a dam, it is a bridge. English is not shameful, it is empowering. English is not a chain – it is a tool to break the chains.' Other opposition figures, including Trinamool Congress leaders Derek O'Brien and Sagarika Ghose, echoed this sentiment, slamming the home minister for what they saw as a regressive and divisive stance. Echoes of Mulayam Singh Shah's remarks recall a moment 35 years ago when Mulayam Singh Yadav, who was then chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, launched his own crusade against English. In May 1990, Yadav infamously declared English to be 'the language of foreigners and the elite', blaming it for perpetuating socio-economic disparity and cultivating feelings of inferiority among non-English speakers. His one-point mission: Angrezi hatao. Banish English. In a curious twist, Yadav, a self-declared supporter of Urdu urged Urdu-speaking communities to unite with Hindi speakers to oppose English. Urdu, having only recently been granted official status as Uttar Pradesh's second language, was now being weaponised against a new linguistic rival. This contradiction is not out of character for Indian politics, where language often becomes a proxy for identity, power and culture. The disdain for English in some Indian political circles can be traced back to the 1950s and '60s, to socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia and even earlier, to Mohandas Gandhi and the Indian National Congress. Gandhi viewed English as an alien imposition that had displaced indigenous languages from their rightful place in Indian society. At Independence, the Indian Constitution made Hindi the official language, but allowed English to continue for a transitional period of 15 years. This compromise was pragmatic, not sentimental. English was seen as a necessary link language in a culturally and linguistically diverse nation. However, the efforts to impose Hindi on South India in the 1960s sparked widespread resistance and deepened the North-South linguistic divide. Even today, English continues to be viewed by many as a colonial vestige, despite its extensive indigenisation. The Lohia doctrine Lohia considered English to be not just a colonial leftover, but a barrier to original thought and mass education. He argued that true educational reform and people-oriented governance were possible only if conducted in the people's languages. Recognising India's cultural diversity, Lohia made exceptions for South Indian states, allowing them to retain English for inter-state and central communication for 50 years. However, his nuanced vision was distorted by his followers. The anti-English frenzy gained renewed vigour in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, leading to draconian steps like removing English from school curricula altogether. In Bihar in the 1970s, Chief Minister Karpoori Thakur reduced English to an optional subject, resulting in a generation of students branded as the 'Karpoori class' – matriculates without English proficiency. Mulayam Singh Yadav resurrected the campaign in the 1990s, giving it a political legitimacy that had long-lasting social consequences. Misplaced stereotypes Yadav's campaign also triggered unwarranted attacks on Christian institutions, which were accused of using English as a tool for religious conversion and elitist education. This conflation of English with Christianity mirrors the equally irrational equation in the Hindi heartland of Urdu with Islam. Such logic ignores the complex realities of Indian linguistic identity. English may have arrived with colonial Christians, but it soon became a key vehicle for political awakening and nation-building. It was through English that India's founding leaders – from Raja Rammohun Roy to Nehru – engaged with global currents of nationalism, democracy, liberty and modernity. The same language, intended by the British to produce obedient clerks, ended up producing freedom fighters, thinkers and reformers who led India's struggle for independence. More Indian than foreign? Despite its origins, English in India has long shed its colonial skin. It is the medium of scientific advancement, legal systems, administrative governance and higher education. It has played a vital role in the country's post-Independence progress – particularly in the globalisation era. Ironically, many politicians who publicly denounce English still prefer to send their children to English-medium schools. Even in the Hindi heartland, English remains a key administrative language. Today, English enjoys a paradoxical status: both a foreign tongue and a deeply embedded Indian language. English is also the mother tongue of the Anglo Indian community, a recognised minority in India, and serves as an official language in states like Nagaland. As globalisation continues to shape India's economic and cultural landscape, English remains the country's primary interface with the world. To treat it as a threat to Indian identity is to ignore the multifaceted reality of modern India. Language should be a medium of unity, not a tool of discord. English, like all Indian languages, must be valued for its integrative potential, not vilified for its past. The country does not need another round of linguistic chauvinism. Instead, India should recognise the multilingual richness of English – and the maturity to embrace it.
The Hindu
26 minutes ago
- The Hindu
MDMK will seek more seats but not at the cost of coalition, says Durai Vaiko
The Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) will seek a higher share of seats in the upcoming elections but without compromising on the collective interests of the DMK-led alliance, said the party's principal secretary and Tiruchi MP Durai Vaiko on Saturday. 'A party must win at least 12 Assembly seats to secure official recognition. We certainly want to grow and will seek more seats, but any decision will be taken in a manner that does not disrupt alliance unity,' he said speaking to reporters here. Commenting on recent remarks made by Union Home Minister Amit Shah on the English language, he criticised the BJP's stance as regressive. 'It is bilingual education and English that have enabled Tamils to find employment across the world. The BJP insists on a third language in schools, yet questions the role of English — this contradiction is unconvincing,' he said.
The Hindu
26 minutes ago
- The Hindu
BJP worker found dead in Bengal's Hooghly, party alleges ‘political murder'
A Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) worker, Sheikh Bakibulla, was found dead under mysterious circumstances in his house at Goghat in Hooghly district in West Bengal on Saturday (June 21, 2025). Mr. Bakibulla was reportedly found hanging in his house this morning. The BJP has alleged that it was a 'political murder'. The police sent the body for post-mortem on Saturday and initiated an investigation. 'In this specific case at the Goghat police station, a First Information Report (FIR) has been registered against unknown persons under section 103(1) of the Bharatiya Nyay Sanhita (murder). After the post-mortem examination, the surgeon verbally opined that the death was due to hanging,' a high-ranking official of the West Bengal Police told The Hindu. The father of the deceased, Sheikh Abdullah, told reporters that Mr. Bakibullah was an activist of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) before he joined the BJP. 'Out of pain and misery, he joined the BJP. When he was in the CPI(M), the Trinamool (ruling Trinamool Congress) was after his life. They had assaulted him multiple times in the past,' Mr. Abdullah said on Saturday after his son's body was discovered. Mr. Bakibulla's bereaved widow said that her husband had gone to bed along with her the previous night, and that she was unaware of anything unusual happening until morning. 'His hands were tied, and there was blood at the spot. It is clear that this is a murder. We have a clear demand for the police administration — immediately send the body for post-mortem and find out who did it. This cannot be covered up,' Biman Ghosh, the BJP MLA of Hooghly's Pursurah, said. The saffron party also took to X to accuse 'TMC-backed goons' of being behind Mr. Bakibullah's death. 'Sheikh Bakibulla, a BJP worker from Goghat, was hanged with hands tied. TMC-backed goons did it. No arrest. No action. This is not just a murder, this is targeted political violence in Bengal under Mamata Banerjee,' the post by BJP West Bengal read. Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress denied the allegations and accused the BJP of 'adding political colour' to the tragedy. In other developments, at least two people died and several were injured in a crude bomb explosion in the Labpur police station area of West Bengal's Birbhum district on Saturday.
