
'Brutality' Of Mughals: NCERT Says Facts In Class 8 New Textbook Are Credible
NCERT's new Class 8 Social Science textbook highlights instances of brutality and religious intolerance during the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal rule. It describes Babur as a ruthless conqueror, Akbar's reign as mixed, and Aurangzeb as destructive. A contextual note urges students to study such violent histories objectively, without blaming present generations for past misdeeds.
"All the facts presented in this textbook are based on well-known primary and secondary academic sources," the NCERT said in its official statement. "To avoid generation of any prejudice and misunderstanding, a note on history's darker period has been added on page 20 for the benefit of the learners."
The Council added that this note is central to interpreting the content correctly. "The note sums up the essence of the content presented in the textbook; the entire textbook should be seen and appreciated from this perspective."
Clarifying the textbook's broader intent, NCERT said that Class 8 being the last year of the middle stage, the students are expected to acquire a broad multidisciplinary perspective in understanding our past between the 13th and mid-19th centuries, and how historical events influenced the evolution of modern India.
Highlighting its pedagogical approach, NCERT explained that it deliberately avoided overwhelming students with excessive information and instead focused on fostering a critical understanding. "Our aim has been to consistently avoid attempting to load the child with too much information and to develop a critical understanding of the subject. Hence, the various facts have been presented in a comprehensible manner to promote holistic learning in this textbook."
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Name Tiruchi airport after Sir C.V.Raman, consumer rights' body urges PM
The Consumer Protection Council, Tamil Nadu, has appealed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to name the Tiruchi International Airport after the Nobel laureate Sir C.V. Raman. In a representation, S. Pushpavanam, Secretary of the Council, appealed to the Prime Minister to extend his help to convert the childhood home of Sir C.V. Raman at Thiruvanaikovil in Tiruchi into a science museum and erect a statue of the legendary phsyicist near the Cauvery bridge. This would help inspire future generations and highlight the importance of understanding science. It is sad that there was no memorial for this great physicist in Tamil Nadu. A committee of a group of admirers of Sir C.V. Raman have been formed to take up the demands with the State and Union governments, he said.


The Print
7 hours ago
- The Print
Muslims never held Akbar in high regard. Hindus made him ‘Great'
He practiced what he preached. His appreciation of Hinduism and other non-Islamic religions was evident as much in his statesmanship as in his personal belief and behaviour. To the Muslims, this amounted to heresy, blasphemy, and apostasy. They rose in rebellion, and the sword they drew against him still remains unsheathed. The jihad against Akbar — the infidel, the apostate — continues unabated. Certainly not the Muslims. In popular culture, they refer to him not as Akbar-e Azam (Akbar the Great), but as Akfar-e Azam (Kafir the Great). He has been the bête noire of Muslim political discourse in India — for seeking to broaden the foundations of Muslim rule by accommodating Hindus in the system, and for trying to build a spiritual and ideological framework around this vision through the syncretic order called Din-e Ilahi (Divine Faith), and the policy of Sulh-e Kul (Universal Amity). Akbar The Great Nahin Rahe' is a Hinglish play directed by Sayeed Alam of the theatre group Pierrot's Troupe. The title is a play on words with a dual meaning — Akbar the Great is no more , and Akbar is no more great . But was he ever? If yes, who made him great? But more on that later. Also read: Why highly placed Muslims became 'Krishna bhaktas' in the Mughal period Who bestowed greatness on Akbar? This article began with the question: who made Akbar 'The Great'? It's important to ask, because apart from Alexander and Ashoka, Akbar is the only king for whom this appellation has virtually become part of the name. I couldn't find who used this label first, but the title of Vincent Smith's Akbar: The Great Mogul (1917) seems to have played a seminal role in popularising the epithet and creating a historiographical cult around the Mughal emperor. But the ascription of greatness wasn't just a British invention. It was, actually, an Indian (read: Hindu) show of magnanimity towards the memory of a king who, despite his limitations — and occasional slide into brutality, such as in Chittor (1567–68) — was a hundred times better than the rest of Mughal and Sultanate rulers. That said, it raises a disturbing question: how oppressive was Muslim rule that Akbar — under whom Hindus got some relief, though no equality and much less any precedence, as the polity remained foreign with the overwhelming preponderance of Irani and Turani nobility — came to be regarded as great? It raises a further question: should this solitary example of Akbar be used to whitewash the crimes of a polity that reigned for centuries? Hindus made Akbar great When Vincent Smith's book was published, Lala Lajpat Rai reviewed it for Political Science Quarterly, an American journal. Rai was one of the Lal-Bal-Pal triumvirate (with Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal), which not only led the extremist faction of the Indian National Congress but also believed in Hindu nationalism. In his own words, Rai was 'wedded to the idea of Hindu nationality'. The very first line of his review reads: 'Akbar the Great Mogul was by common consent one of the greatest monarchs known to history.' He glorified the monarch even though the book under review vividly described the Chittor carnage — thirty thousand Hindus slaughtered, hundreds of women committing Jauhar, and numerous temples destroyed — all confirmed by Akbar's own Fathnama (proclamation of victory) dated 9 March 1568. Yet, Rai wrote, 'Mr. Smith… at places is unduly hard on him (Akbar), forgetting the times in which he lived and worked.' He could not have said this unless he was convinced that Akbar later made sincere efforts to amend his past wrongs. In a rare gesture, Akbar honoured the gallant defenders of Chittor — Jaimal and Patta — by installing their statues, mounted on elephants, at the Agra Fort gate. James Tod writes in the Annals of Mewar: 'He (Akbar) finally succeeded in healing the wounds his ambition had inflicted, and received from millions that meed of praise which no other of his race ever obtained.' Also read: Each day brings some new horror and hate. Worrying that ordinary Hindus aren't so shocked The imperative of reconciliation Truth brings reconciliation and contrition brings closure. Those who try to hide the bad and the ugly of the past should learn from Ashoka and Akbar about honest disclosure and sincere reconciliation. In the Indian tradition, Pashchatap (remorse), Prayashchit (atonement) and Kshama (forgiveness) — in that order — have been the values of highest morality. Every wound can be healed and every conflict can be resolved through truth and reconciliation. But to seek reconciliation, one has to see the need for it. So, the question is: do the Muslims have the moral compass and ideological conviction for peaceful coexistence with other communities, or are they still trapped in their medieval mode of thinking in which Islam is perpetually at war with other religions? Do Muslims consider Akbar great? The Muslim attitude toward Akbar is a good pointer to their groupthink. While they admire his empire-building achievements, they don't have the ideological framework to appreciate the philosophy behind his actions. Many wish he had remained as steadfast in Islam as his great-grandson, Aurangzeb. Contrary to both common sense and academic consensus, they blame the fall of the Mughal Empire on Akbar's liberalism rather than Aurangzeb's fanaticism — which forced the Indian masses to rise in revolt and bring down the mighty empire. In their eyes, Akbar — despite being the true founder of India's grandest Muslim empire — was a renegade from Islam, whose policies weakened the foundations of the Muslim rule. They forget that, without Akbar's policy of conciliation and inclusion of the native ruling classes in the state apparatus, there would be no Mughal Empire. Also read: That Muslims enslaved Hindus for last 1000 yrs is historically unacceptable: Romila Thapar Muslim antipathy to Akbar In 1579, when Akbar issued the Mahzar (an official declaration often mistranslated as the 'Infallibility Decree') to style himself Imam-e-Adil (the just leader) and reaffirm his authority as final arbiter in religious disputes, the simmering discontent against his policy of relief to Hindus burst out in open. Led by his half-brother Mirza Hakim, the orthodox establishment rose in widespread revolt. Though it was eventually crushed, while it raged, it was a touch and go situation for Akbar. There was such discontent against Akbar's policy of religious liberality that his own court chronicler, Abdul Qadir Badauni (1540–1615), in his clandestinely written Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, castigated him in the severest terms and threw at him the worst religious calumny, accusing him of deviating from Islam. Akbar in modern Muslim history Historian Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi writes in The Muslim Community of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent (610-1947): 'Akbar had changed the nature of the polity profoundly. The Muslims were still the dominant group in the State, but it had ceased to be a Muslim State … [Akbar] was no more as dependent upon their support as earlier Sultans had been. Now Muslims were only one of the Communities in the empire which controlled the Councils and the armed might of the State … Akbar had so weakened Islam through his policies that it could not be restored to its dominant position in the affairs of the State.' Criticising Akbar's Rajput policy, Qureshi adds: 'In the beginning they [the Mughals] saw with satisfaction and even pride that the Hindu had started 'wielding the Sword of Islam'. They soon learnt that the Sword would not always be wielded in the interest of Islam.' Akbar's religious and Rajput policies have often been blamed for slowing the spread of Islam in India and diluting the distinct Muslim identity — the very axis around which Muslim politics and religion in India revolve. The most influential Muslim thinkers of the 20th century — Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and poet Allama Iqbal — despite their differences, were unanimous in branding Akbar a heretic and apostate. Azad, in Tazkira (1919), applied the term Ilhaad (heresy/apostasy) to Akbar, and glorified Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1624), the leading Naqshbandi sufi opponent of Akbar's policies, reviving his forgotten legacy. Historian Muzaffar Alam notes that Sirhindi's rehabilitation by Azad as the counterpoint to Akbar 'had a long historiographic afterlife… Sirhindi's prominence in the South Asian Muslim imagination and history, however, remains almost unparalleled, comparable only to that of Shah Wali Allah of Delhi (d. 1762). In some circles, he is also considered the origin of the ideology of an independent homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent.' Iqbal, spiritual acolyte of Sirhindi, in one of his poems, called him the guardian of the Muslim community in India — 'wo Hind mein sarmaya-e Millat ka nigahban.' In another Persian poem, in which he sang paeans to Aurangzeb, he condemned Akbar: 'Tukhm-e-Ilhaad ke Akbar parwarid' (The seed of heresy that Akbar nurtured). Also read: How I unlearned my Islamophobia one step at a time Different gazes at Akbar Hindus and Muslims have always viewed Akbar differently. Hindus exalt him for the liberality with which he treated them in a polity where their persecution was summum bonum. He abolished jizya — a poll tax designed to humiliate non-Muslims (Quran 9:29). Historically, the burden of jizya led many to convert in the first wave of Islamic conquests — from Iran to Central Asia in the Sassanid territory, from Syria to Egypt in the Byzantine territory — and so too in India. How demeaning jizya was can be seen in Ziauddin Barani's account of cleric Qazi Mughisuddin advising Alauddin Khilji: 'As soon as the revenue collector demands the sum due from him, [the Hindu] pays the same with meekness and humility, coupled with utmost respect, and free from reluctance, and he, should the collector chooses to spit into his mouth, opens the same without hesitation, so that the official may spit into it …' Centuries later, Aurangzeb echoed the same sentiments about jizya: 'By this means idolatry will be suppressed, the Muhammadan religion and the true faith will be honoured, our proper duty will be performed, the finances of the state will be increased, and infidels will be disgraced.' Akbar could not make Hindus equal citizens — far from it — but by removing religious disabilities like jizya and pilgrimage taxes, he alleviated their misery and, most importantly, restored their honour. In the long history of Muslim rule, he was the first king to treat Hindus with dignity — and none after him ever surpassed him in this basic decency. His Rajput policy was not only statesmanly prudence but also a moral response to the rights of the sons of the soil. And it didn't stop here. To build an inclusive polity, he propounded the philosophy of Sulh-e Kul and, recognising the imperative of composite culture, founded the spiritual order Tauhid-e Ilahi (popularly called Din-e Ilahi). So why do Muslims censure Akbar? For precisely the same reasons that Hindus celebrate him. As Abul Fazl wrote in Akbarnama, the root of Muslim discontent was that Akbar 'received all classes of mankind with affection, and searched for evidence in religious matters from the sages of every religion and ascetics of all faiths.' Muslims judged Akbar by the only measure they have — the yardstick of orthodox Islam. But he was far too big for that frame. His incorporation of Hindu practices in his spiritual exercises outraged them. His Ibadatkhana, where scholars of different religions and sects gathered to debate the issues of faith, placed Islam on an equal footing with 'false' religions, something unacceptable to supremacist theology. Sulh-e Kul — universal amity — was the radical departure from the theology of incessant Jihad until Islam triumphed and all other religions were extirpated. Akbar had the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and other Hindu texts translated into Persian. This reverence was interpreted as disrespect toward Islam. It's a travesty to say that Akbar's stature is being diminished only now under the influence of the present dispensation. The bitter truth is: Muslims never held him in high regard. Had they truly honoured him, they would today hold aloft the ideals of Sulh-e Kul, which was the same as Sarva Dharma Sambhava, and conciliate Hindus as Akbar did by showing respect towards Hinduism and Indian culture. Ibn Khaldun Bharati is a student of Islam, and looks at Islamic history from an Indian perspective. He tweets @IbnKhaldunIndic. Views are personal. Editor's note: We know the writer well and only allow pseudonyms when we do so. (Edited by Prashant)


Hindustan Times
13 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Delhi: Restored 103-year-old Roshanara Club inaugurated
The historic Roshanara Club in north Delhi, a 103-year-old institution considered the cradle of Indian cricket, was officially reopened on Sunday after extensive restoration by the Delhi Development Authority (DDA). Lieutenant governor (LG) VK Saxena inaugurated the restored club, which had remained sealed for over a year and a half before undergoing a meticulous revival aimed at preserving its architectural and cultural legacy. Roshanara Club on Sunday. (Vipin Kumar/HT Photo) Established in 1922 by British officials and Indian elites, Roshanara Club is widely regarded as the birthplace of the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI). Spread over 22 acres of green space, the club once hosted viceroys, governor generals, and leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Dr Rajendra Prasad, and Zakir Hussain. 'It is a big moment for us as this heritage club has been restored and relaunched. I congratulate the citizens of Delhi on this occasion. Delhi is a city of heritage and in the last three years, a number of heritage sites have been restored and we are committed towards more in the future,' Saxena said. Roshanara Club was originally built over 22 acres on the western side of the historic Roshanara Bagh, which was built by the daughter of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, and designed in colonial architectural style with European influences. Over the decades, it became known for gatherings of Delhi's political, administrative, social, and business elite. After Independence, the club remained exclusive to its members but when DDA took over the premises on September 29, 2023, it was opened to the public. By that time, the club was in a dilapidated state with poor maintenance and a crumbling facade, and the site was also marred by encroachments. The club's infrastructure and sports facilities had also sustained significant damage. DDA then embarked on a comprehensive restoration project to revive the club's structural integrity and historic charm. 'A careful and meticulously drawn up revival plan was undertaken by DDA, while ensuring that the historic character of the structures remains intact,' a DDA spokesperson said. DDA did extensive civil, electrical and aesthetic restoration. The restored Roshanara Club now houses indoor amenities including a reception area, main lounge, card and billiards rooms, children's play area, a fully functional bar and dining hall, banquet, library, swimming pool with changing rooms, gym/fitness centre, squash board and badminton hall, yoga and sauna and steam area. Outdoor facilities have also been upgraded and include grass, clay, and synthetic lawn tennis courts, cricket grounds and practice pitches, mini football and basketball zones and a dedicated jogger's park. 'Particular attention was given to the preservation of the Club's architectural legacy. The century-old façade, including the European-style doors and windows, Mangalore-tiled roof and intricate wooden trusses, has all been carefully restored. Antique chandeliers and original furnishings were refurbished and reupholstered to revive their classic charm,' the spokesperson said. Various sports facilities in the club were gradually started over the last few months but the club building had remained shut until Sunday.