Blundering Starmer is rewarding evil
This is the Hamas-constructed elephant trap into which Sir Keir Starmer has stumbled. The prime minister's new readiness to use recognition of Palestine as a sovereign state as leverage against Israel has emboldened a ruthless terrorist organisation banned in Britain. Sir Keir has set conditions on Israel if it is to stave off British recognition of a Palestinian state at the United Nations next month. Binyamin Netanyahu, Israel's hardline prime minister, must improve food distribution in Gaza, agree a ceasefire and commit to a two-state solution. Initially, Hamas was not obliged to do anything to secure recognition. Its drastically thinned leadership can hardly conceal their glee.
Sir Keir's initiative, coming after France's unconditional promise to recognise Palestine and Canada's commitment to a state so long as a Hamas-free election is held next year, brings three G7 powers to the table. Downing Street's calculation is that a combination of G7 and Arab nations, led by Saudi Arabia, will be enough to nudge Donald Trump into overriding Mr Netanyahu's opposition to two states. That is quite a gamble.
Consider how Ghazi Hamad, a senior member of Hamas, assessed Britain's latest contribution to Middle East diplomacy. 'The initiative by several countries to recognise a Palestinian state is one of the fruits of October 7', he said, referring to the 2023 massacre of Israelis. 'We have proven that victory over Israel is not impossible, and our weapons are a symbol of Palestinian honour.'
Hamas believes it has been handed an 11th-hour victory. Not only is this gambit unlikely to help free Israeli hostages held by Hamas — some 20 are thought to be still alive in tunnels under Gaza — it is being billed as a reward for evil.
• Israel plans new military operation to free hostages held in Gaza
Perhaps Jonathan Powell, the prime minister's national security adviser, calculates that treating Hamas as a kind of victor will clear the way for a settlement in the Middle East. But he must surely realise that Mr Trump is highly unlikely to elevate Hamas. A more likely explanation for this cackhanded diplomacy is Sir Keir's fear of the Palestine issue's internal effect on his party and external effect on young new voters. His nervousness has been clear since February last year, when he was involved in backroom machinations to sabotage a Scottish National Party motion calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and curbs on arms exports to Israel. At the time, some 50 Labour backbenchers were thought ready to rebel. Meanwhile, pro-Palestine activism is a potent mobiliser in Labour constituencies with large Muslim populations. This has been enough to rattle Sir Keir and, by extension, distort British diplomacy.
If Sir Keir is to recover his authority and exercise some influence in the Middle East he must stabilise alliances and build bridges. Hamas's backers must be sanctioned, even if they are based in Qatar, the broker in recent peace talks. More engagement with Egypt is also essential. Workmanlike diplomacy is more useful than simply waiting in hope for Mr Trump to lean on Mr Netanyahu.
Sir Keir should be careful in future not to allow Labour's internal bickering to infect his foreign policy. In his blundering approach to recognition, the prime minister has ended up effectively rewarding the barbarism of Hamas.
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