US commerce secretary says Trump really likes TikTok, but app has to move to US ownership
'The President really likes TikTok, and he said it over and over again, because, you know, it was a good way to communicate with young people,' Lutnick said in an interview on Fox News Sunday with Shannon Bream.
'But let's face it, you can't have the Chinese have an app on 100 million American phones, that is just not okay. So, it's got to move to American ownership, it's got to move to American technology, American algorithms,' he said. 'I know the President is positive towards TikTok, if it can move into American hands.'
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India Today
10 minutes ago
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Be careful with nuclear rhetoric: Russia cautions after Trump's submarine order
Russia on Monday called for everyone to be cautious about nuclear rhetoric, following recent comments by US President Donald Trump about repositioning American nuclear spokesman Dmitry Peskov downplayed the significance of Trump's remarks, made last Friday, in which Trump said he had ordered the deployment of two US nuclear submarines to "the appropriate regions" in response to statements by former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev regarding the risk of war between nuclear this case, it is obvious that American submarines are already on combat duty. This is an ongoing process, that's the first thing," Peskov said. Emphasising that Russia does not consider Trump's announcement to be an escalation of nuclear tensions, he said, "We do not believe that we are talking about any escalation now. It is clear that very complex, very sensitive issues are being discussed, which, of course, are perceived very emotionally by many people."While steering clear of direct engagement with Trump's comments, Peskov reiterated Russia's stance on responsible communication concerning nuclear matters."Of course, we believe that everyone should be very, very careful with nuclear rhetoric," he asked whether the Kremlin had advised Medvedev to moderate his tone in his online exchanges with Trump, Peskov declined to answer directly."Listen, in every country, members of the leadership... have different points of view on events that are taking place, different attitudes. There are people who are very, very tough-minded in the United States of America and in European countries, so this is always the case," he concluded by affirming that Russian foreign policy remains under the direction of President Vladimir Putin."But the main thing, of course, is the position of President (Vladimir) Putin," he said. "You know that in our country, foreign policy is formulated by the head of state, that is, President Putin."- EndsMust Watch
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First Post
10 minutes ago
- First Post
India needs strategic patience to sail through Trump's tariff storm
On July 30, 2025, US President Donald Trump unveiled a sweeping 25 per cent tariff on Indian exports, effective August 7, alongside threats of penalties for India's continued purchase of Russian oil and military hardware. Justified by Trump as retaliation for India's 'far too high' tariffs and 'strenuous and obnoxious non-monetary trade barriers', this move severely disrupts an expanding trade partnership. More troubling is the proposed 100 per cent secondary tariff on nations dealing in Russian oil—especially damaging for India, which sources around 35 per cent of its crude from Russia. These measures risk entangling trade, energy security, and defence in a complex geopolitical crossfire. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India–US Trade Snapshot India is the US' ninth-largest trading partner, and the US is India's largest export destination. In 2024, bilateral trade (per Indian sources) stood at $136.7 billion—with India exporting $91.2 billion and importing $45.5 billion, yielding a $45.7 billion surplus for India. U.S. data shows bilateral goods trade at $129.2 billion, with exports to India at $41.8 billion and imports from India at $87.4 billion. This trade imbalance remains a sore point for Washington. While Trump has dubbed India the 'tariff king', the actual weighted average tariff on US imports is under 5 per cent, well within WTO limits. However, India does levy higher duties on specific items like whisky, wines, and automobiles—similar to protectionist policies adopted by many other nations, including the US. India's major exports to the US in 2024 included electrical and electronic equipment ($14.4 billion), pharmaceuticals ($12.73 billion), and precious metals and stones ($11.88 billion). Conversely, US exports to India comprised mineral fuels ($12.6 billion), precious stones ($5.31 billion), and machinery ($3.29 billion), along with soybeans ($2.2 billion). Tariff Dynamics Before the Trump Shock Before Trump's announcement, US tariffs on Indian goods averaged 2.5 per cent, while Indian duties ranged from 10 per cent to 80 per cent depending on the sector—with high rates on agricultural products like apples and rice. Non-tariff barriers, especially in agriculture and pharmaceuticals, have long frustrated US businesses. Trump has used tariffs as a pressure tool to counter the trade deficit under the guise of protecting US industries. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD From India's perspective, the US administration has ignored the significant American advantage in India's services and education sectors. Furthermore, India's obligations to safeguard farmers' livelihoods, sensitivities regarding dairy products, ensure energy security, and maintain affordability restrict its capacity to yield to US expectations. Fallout The new 25 per cent tariff raises average duties on Indian goods to 27 per cent, affecting key sectors such as auto parts, electronics, steel, and aluminium. Even iPhones assembled in India may see price hikes. Projections suggest a 10 per cent to 50 per cent drop in Indian exports in these sectors—amounting to annual losses of up to $3 billion. India, with 1.4 billion people and the world's fourth-largest economy, aims to double trade with the US to $500 billion by 2030. However, Trump's tariffs threaten this goal, potentially trimming 0.3–0.5 per cent off India's projected 6.5 per cent GDP growth for 2025 (as per HSBC). For US consumers, these tariffs will likely spark inflation, especially in healthcare affordability. Tariff revenues—estimated to constitute 5 per cent of federal income in 2025—are intended to offset Trump's tax cuts and support domestic manufacturing. Yet economists, including JP Morgan, predict a US GDP slowdown to 1.6 per cent and supply chain disruptions, given India's crucial role in supplying generics, pharmaceuticals, and electronics. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Strategically, these tariffs risk alienating a key Indo-Pacific partner, undermining US efforts to counter China. The punitive measures could push India closer to the Russia-China-India (RIC) alignment. India imported $40 billion of Russian oil in 2024 (forming 35 per cent of India's energy imports). A 100 per cent secondary tariff on this trade would spike India's import bill, increase inflation, strain fuel subsidies, and derail fiscal targets—especially problematic in an election year. In defence, India's 36 per cent dependency on Russian arms (down from 55 per cent in 2019) makes it vulnerable to US sanctions, particularly regarding high-value systems like the S-400. While compliance compromises strategic autonomy, non-compliance risks further penalties. Given the perceived unreliability of US foreign policy, India may be inclined to take calculated risks. A Web of Sticking Points Agriculture is India's red line. The US demands greater access to India's protected agricultural market, particularly in dairy and grains. But with 45 per cent of the population reliant on farming, India faces high political costs in liberalising this sector. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India is unlikely to emulate US allies like Japan or the EU in offering zero-tariff concessions, owing to security dependencies. Indian exports of auto parts, steel, aluminium, and electronics face the steepest tariffs. Less-affected sectors like textiles and gems may still lose market share to Vietnam and Bangladesh. In retaliation, India could target US exports such as soybeans and aircraft—although this could impact its aviation sector if the UK cannot meet shortfalls. Domestic Compulsions India's trade policy is constrained by domestic politics. Any concessions on agriculture risk electoral backlash. Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), which drive Indian exports, would be severely impacted by higher US tariffs. Energy security remains paramount, and Russian oil provides affordable options not easily replaceable. Strategic autonomy underpins India's foreign policy. Aligning too closely with either Washington or Moscow would compromise this balance. Given Trump's recent policy unpredictability, abandoning a reliable partner like Russia seems unjustified. Balancing Act Trump's tariff blitz leaves India with limited but critical choices. These include: STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Negotiate a Selective Trade Deal: India may pursue a limited deal, lowering tariffs on non-sensitive imports like machinery, liquor, hydrocarbons, motorbikes, and soybeans—while resisting US demands on agriculture and dairy. It must stand firm on energy affordability for its vast poor population. From August 1, 2025, India should absorb the tariffs temporarily without rushing into a disadvantageous deal. It should protect MSMEs, prioritise growth, and wait out the 10-day deadline on secondary tariffs, monitoring US–China negotiations. This appears to be the most prudent approach. Diversify Markets: India should expand exports to Asean, the EU, and Africa. Deepening ties with Brics nations can also cushion the impact. Though these markets lack the scale of the US, diversification reduces dependency and future coercion risks. Aggressive pursuit of FTAs and strategic partnerships is essential. Strategic Reduction in Russian Trade: India can gradually diversify oil imports to the Middle East or the US and broaden arms sourcing to France, Israel, and others. However, higher costs and strong Russia ties complicate this transition. India can redirect exports to Asean, the EU, and Africa, though with smaller profit margins. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Self-Reliance: Strengthening the Atmanirbhar Bharat campaign for defence and tech manufacturing is vital. Past disruptions, like Covid, have shown India's capacity to localise supply chains—a trend that must accelerate. Controlled Retaliation: If unavoidable, India must retaliate proportionately with tariffs on high-profile US goods like aircraft, oil, whisky, and motorcycles. Such a move risks escalation but may be necessary to defend sovereignty and prevent future coercion. Brics Brics nations face similar US tariffs—34 per cent on China, 50 per cent on Brazil. The concept of a coordinated Brics response is attractive but lacks momentum. India-China rivalry and Russia's economic constraints limit cohesion. While alternate payment systems (eg, rupee-ruble trade) are being explored, intra-Brics trade ($700 billion) pales in comparison to their $5 trillion trade with the US. However, if Trump follows through with 100% tariffs on BRICS and 500% on countries trading with Russia, he may inadvertently force BRICS closer. This could catalyze a realignment toward the RIC format. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Realistic Road Ahead India's optimal response blends diplomacy, economic recalibration, and strategic signalling. A selective trade deal protecting sensitive sectors while retaining competitiveness is key. Simultaneously, India must diversify exports, reduce reliance on Russian oil and arms incrementally, and boost domestic manufacturing. Subsidies for impacted exporters and tax relief for MSMEs can cushion the blow. By reinforcing its role as a democratic counterweight to China, India can retain geopolitical leverage while defending long-term interests. Trump's tariff offensive poses serious challenges—but India possesses considerable leverage. Through smart negotiation, diversification, and strategic patience, India can weather the storm and emerge stronger, with a more resilient and self-reliant economic framework. Diplomacy, reform, and national resolve will be India's guiding tools in navigating this turbulent phase. The author is a strategic and security analyst. He can be reached at Facebook and LinkedIn as Shashi Asthana, @asthana_shashi on Twitter, and personal site. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
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First Post
10 minutes ago
- First Post
An uncertain Pakistan: Munir's panic run to US and China shows his anxiety
Pakistan is making desperate efforts to keep China and the US in good humour and on the right side by a delicate balancing act; however, only time will reveal the true outcomes read more Very recently, Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff Field Marshal Asim Munir was on an official visit to China. During his stay in Beijing, he held meetings with senior Chinese political and military leadership. A military statement emanating from Pakistan claimed that the Chinese military leadership reiterated full confidence in the strength of the bilateral defence partnership, acknowledging Pakistan's pivotal role in promoting 'regional peace'. General Munir called on Chinese Vice President Han Zheng and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi. Their discussions focused on the evolving regional and global political canvas, connectivity initiatives under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and the need for coordinated responses to address shared geopolitical challenges. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Significantly, both sides expressed satisfaction over the depth of bilateral engagement and avowed their shared commitment to sovereign equality, multilateral cooperation, and long-term regional stability. The Pakistan Army statement further claimed that the Chinese leadership lauded the Pakistan Armed Forces as a cornerstone of resilience and a vital contributor to peace in South Asia. This seems far-fetched and looks only like a ceremonial or ritualistic expression. The military engagement between both sides included comprehensive exchanges on defence and security cooperation, including counter-terrorism collaboration, joint training, defence modernisation, and enhanced institutional linkages. It also claimed that emphasis was placed on improving operational interoperability and strategic coordination to confront hybrid and transnational threats. On his part, the COAS appreciated China's 'consistent support' and reaffirmed Pakistan's commitment to further expanding military-to-military cooperation across all domains. Munir at Beijing reaffirmed Islamabad's deep appreciation for Beijing's consistent support toward its socio-economic development and emphasised the Pakistani military's resolve to strengthen counter-terrorism cooperation with China as part of their shared vision for regional peace and prosperity. However, reliable sources indicate that the Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir was under severe pressure when China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi raised the issue rather prominently of the safety and security of the Chinese 'personnel, projects, and institutions' in Pakistan. Over the years, several Chinese nationals have been killed in a string of terror attacks in Pakistan. While Munir stressed and claimed that 'brotherhood' between Beijing and Islamabad was time-tested and was 'solid as a rock', he, in the same vein, assured Yi that the Pakistani military would take all necessary steps to ensure the safety of Chinese nationals. It may be recalled that in October 2024, a suicide car bombing outside Karachi airport had killed two Chinese engineers, and earlier, in the same year in March, a suicide bombing in northern Pakistan had killed five Chinese workers, which had angered the Chinese leadership, who had expressed serious concern over the killings of the Chinese. This had also put at risk the bilateral ties between the two countries, albeit for some time. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Importantly, this was Munir's first visit to China after the hostilities with India in May this year. Islamabad is actively pursuing its military diplomacy to bolster strategic regional partnerships and defence alliances to reposition its defence standing. This was further demonstrated by Munir's visit to the US, as well as his one-on-one lunch with President Donald Trump. In a separate development related to China, the Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammad Ishaq Dar met with the Chinese Foreign Minister, where both sides reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening bilateral cooperation and promoting regional peace, stability, and development. This shows that Pakistan continues to warm up to China at regular intervals. Further, in a Pakistan military-related development, Munir on July 26 reaffirmed Pakistan's unwavering resolve to foster a secure, peaceful, and prosperous regional environment through strategic cooperation and defence diplomacy. As a host, he was addressing the Regional Chiefs of Defence Staff Conference in Islamabad, bringing together senior military leaders from the United States, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The conference seems to represent a major step in strengthening regional security collaboration, strategic dialogue, and military partnerships. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Organised under the theme 'Strengthening Bonds, Securing Peace', the summit aimed to deepen multilateral cooperation in defence, particularly in counter-terrorism, joint training, and knowledge sharing. Participants were engaged in wide-ranging discussions on regional security trends, the changing geopolitical landscape in Central and South Asia, and the urgent need for coordinated responses to transnational threats. Welcoming the defence delegations, Munir reiterated Pakistan's firm 'commitment' to peace and regional stability. He underscored the importance of enhanced military-to-military cooperation, mutual trust, and continued strategic dialogue to address emerging hybrid 'threats' and ensure collective security. Analysing the conference, it could be safely interpreted that Munir, with his political and military ambitions, possibly wants to forge an alliance with the Islamic countries' military leadership in the name of regional peace. He could also be meaning to signal India, his sworn adversary, about his 'deepening military cooperation' with the CIS countries. Munir should know that India already enjoys an excellent relationship with these countries that have participated in the conference, and no amount of signalling is likely to work towards his military designs. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Having stepped up its diplomatic outreach, especially post Operation Sindoor, the Pakistan Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar met US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on July 25. Earlier, the Deputy Prime Minister arrived in Washington, DC, on July 24 on the second leg of his eight-day visit to the US. He had arrived in New York on July 21 to attend 'high-level signature events' of Pakistan's United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Presidency, including a conference on Palestine. Discussions were also held on promoting bilateral trade and economic relations and cooperation in important sectors, including investment, agriculture, technology [and] minerals. Counter-terrorism and regional peace were also discussed. Foreign Minister Dar acknowledged the efforts of President Donald Trump and the US leadership in promoting global peace, adding that their role and efforts regarding the recent Pakistan-India tension were 'commendable'. Meanwhile, at the US State Department, Marco Rubio expressed appreciation for Pakistan's continued willingness to play a constructive role in mediating conversations with Iran and its commitment to preserving regional stability. The two also discussed prospects for deepening bilateral counter-terrorism cooperation, including countering Islamic State—Khorasan (Isis—K), and the upcoming US-Pakistan Counter-Terrorism Dialogue in Islamabad scheduled in August this year. Rubio underscored the importance of expanding mutually beneficial bilateral trade and exploring prospects for enhancing collaboration in the critical minerals and mining sectors. Dar was also scheduled to speak at the US think tank, the Atlantic Council, sharing Pakistan's perspective on regional and global issues as well as the future of Pakistan-US relations. Dar's visit comes ahead of Pakistan holding the presidency of the UN Security Council this month. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Judging by the Pakistan Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister's US trip and earlier Munir's recent China visit, both much hyped, it is clear that Pakistan is making desperate efforts to keep China and the US in good humour and on the right side by a delicate balancing act, as both the US and China are at loggerheads, but the US needs Pakistan as a strategic ally. [It may be recapitulated that Munir was in the US, including a meeting with Trump, just ahead of the US military strikes at the Iran nuclear sites using the Pakistani skies.] Such US overtures to Pakistan could possibly be cosmetic, more tactical, and not really substantial or meaningful. Only time will tell about their 'relationship' and its tenacity. The writer is a retired IPS officer, adviser NatStrat, Bangladesh watcher and a security analyst. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. 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