
Egypt marks 73rd Revolution anniversary
Sharief (centre) and South
Africa's deputy minister Pinky
Kekana (centre right) addressed
the gathering at the Egyptian
embassy. Photos: Marion Smith
The Embassy of Egypt in Pretoria commemorated 73 years since the Egyptian Revolution which took place on 23 July 1952.
Ahmad Sharief, Egypt's ambassador to South Africa reviewed the historical and symbolic dimension of the revolution, and how it was a major turning point in the path of national liberation, not only in Egypt but also in various parts of the African continent.
Sharief condemned the violations of humanitarian law in the ongoing conflict in Palestine.
'On the humanitarian front, Egypt has led the global response to the Gaza crisis,' he said.
'Over the past two years Egypt has been the one country that contributed the most to humanitarian aid getting into Gaza, hosting hundreds of conveys and field hospitals on its territory.'
Addressing the audience in isiZulu for a portion of his speech, Sharief stressed the depth of the strategic partnership between Egypt and South Africa, as well as the history of solidarity.
Although located at the northern and southern most points of Africa, the two countries share a historical and good relationship based on upholding the principles of liberation, human dignity and the fight against injustice.
'We look to the future, Egypt and South Africa today stand shoulder to shoulder in a new struggle for economic liberation, sustainable development and continental integration.'
He said Egypt and South Africa are committed to building a strategic partnership that serves both countries' aspirations of the continent and the Global South. High-level engagements have intensified, the joint committee has been revived and convened (twice in 2022) and preparations are under way for its 11th session in 2026.
'We aim to accelerate the African Continental Free Trade Area, complete the Cairo to Cape Town highway and deepen cooperation under the Brics framework,' the ambassador said.
'We are deeply grateful for South Africa, for supporting Egypt's accession to Brics and for inviting Egypt to this year's G20 deliberations and ensuring Africa's voice is heard.'
South Africa's deputy minister of public service and administration, Pinky Kekana, gave an address on behalf of the government and people of South Africa.
Reflecting on the longstanding relationship between the two countries, Kekana said: 'Our two countries therefore acknowledge that it is important to further translate the existing good political relations into concrete trade and investment ties between South Africa and Egypt.'
She went on to say that more emphasis would be put on expanding cooperation in various sectors including defence, security, law enforcement, energy, mining, petrochemicals, infrastructure and industrial development, pharmaceuticals, information, communication and technology, science and research, as well as agriculture.
This decision to expand cooperation came in the aftermath of the 10th Joint Commission for Cooperation held in Pretoria in April 2024 at ministerial level.
This year coincides with the 31st anniversary of the resumption of diplomatic relations between Egypt and South Africa after the end of apartheid in 1994.
In closing Ambassador Sharief said that the two countries 'are brought together by one spirit — the spirit of liberation, dignity and ubuntu'.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
Policing crisis is symptom of SA's transition into a violent democracy
South Africa has undergone a second transition, away from the ideals of a constitutional democracy, first into a gatekeeper state, and then increasingly into what academics call a 'violent democracy'. President Cyril Ramaphosa recently established a judicial commission of inquiry, chaired by Acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, to investigate Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi's allegations that 'sophisticated criminal syndicates have infiltrated law enforcement and intelligence structures in South Africa'. Naturally, much of the attention has been on the toxic relationship between ANC politicians, corrupt businesspeople and the country's top police structures. However, while it is tempting to believe that this is just another example of the rot infecting the South African state, this would be a mistake, because these activities are not an aberration of South Africa's weak state but rather an outcome of the dysfunctional democratisation process that has unfolded in the country over the last few decades. Gatekeeper state In common with many other post-independent African states, South Africa transitioned from the horrors of colonialism and racism into being a gatekeeper state. In these fragile states, the control of access to wealth and power, rather than governance, is the ultimate political prize. Over time, state wealth and power are increasingly centralised and contested among the elites, while service delivery and governance for most of the population languish at the periphery. Political authority is therefore less about guiding national development and more about managing the intersection between internal resources and external recognition. At its core, a gatekeeper state revolves around who controls the 'gate'. In South Africa, this gate was historically guarded by the ANC so long as there was uncontested electoral recognition. Governance, in this framework, becomes a zero-sum game where controlling the gate is paramount because losing power means losing access to wealth. This has irredeemably reshaped the internal dynamics of the ANC, fuelling factionalism as different groups within the party compete for control of shrinking state resources. Consequently, the government is increasingly unable to meet its service delivery obligations because public office is not about public service but is instead a means of ensuring financial rewards, and because service delivery is not about optimal provision within the budgetary limits but is instead a means to garner political loyalty. Over time, as the ANC's factional battles worsened, the ANC's response has been to centralise control, consolidating authority in the Presidency, marginalising Parliament, and actively eroding independent institutions. However, as the ANC's electoral support has declined, gatekeeping, instead of weakening, has decentralised and now infects both formal and informal political-economic structures. The consequence of this system is neo-patrimonialism — ruling by patronage rather than by policy — that replaces governance as hollowed-out formal institutions are replaced with informal networks based on political allegiance and reciprocal favours. Loyalty is rewarded not through public service delivery or national development, but instead by access to tenders, jobs, and contracts. As the electorate loses faith in political leadership, political support is 'purchased' via patronage networks rather than earned through effective governance. Violent democracy The implications for South Africa's democratisation have been grim. In the years of the Zuma-Ramaphosa presidencies, South Africa has undergone a second transition, away from the ideals of a constitutional democracy, first into a gatekeeper state, and increasingly into what academics call a ' violent democracy '. This is not merely a democracy with violence. In this aberrant form of democracy, violence is an implicit part of the political system. Assassinations, intimidation and State Capture are features of how power is contested, contained, and controlled. In a violent democracy the state does not have the sole legitimate right to use violence — instead elite coalitions, criminal networks, and even taxi associations can use violence to capture and replace democratic governance. Naturally, as violent democracy deepens, constitutional democracy weakens. South Africa's democratic institutions, once the pride of our post-apartheid dispensation, are now infected with corruption, inefficiency and decay. The ANC cannot be reformed, but whether the Government of National Unity can resurrect the democratic institutions of accountability and reverse the country from its dark path remains to be seen. If not, then the dream of a free, fair, and equal South Africa will likely become just another casualty of rapacious greed. DM

IOL News
4 hours ago
- IOL News
Cape Town's lost threads: How tariffs unravelled our clothing industry
We remember the profound impact of tariff reductions had on Cape Town's clothing industry. Image: Wikipedia It's fascinating the way the world has suddenly latched onto the word "tariffs" since Donald Trump has once again become president. But for me, who grew up in Cape Town, that word carries a much heavier weight than just a headline. It brings back a flood of memories, tinged with a deep sadness for what we lost. Thirty years ago, when our own government started cutting tariffs, especially with China, we watched as the heart of Cape Town's clothing industry was ripped out. It was a lifeline for so many, and its destruction left scars that still run deep. Growing up in the Southern suburbs, my wardrobe was built almost entirely from the factory shops. Every clothing manufacturer had these "side doors" open to the public, overflowing with garments at a fraction of the retail price. It taught me a lifelong habit of never needing a clothing account because quality clothes were simply affordable for everyone. I remember the chaos of entering Venus, one of the biggest factory shops in Lansdowne, run by the Patel family. Huge wooden crates would be piled high with overruns of the latest fashion. Mrs. Patel, always in her silk sari and gleaming gold jewellery, would stand on a platform like a queen, barking orders at staff to repack the mountains of clothes. Then there was Beeline, more organised, almost like a proper retail shop, selling fashion items practically at cost. The real giant was the Seardel group They dominated underwear manufacturing, churning out Triumph underwear and Speedo swimsuits for export around the globe. Their factory shop was always buzzing with women searching for top-quality items at amazing prices. Aaron and Adele Searle the couple behind it, were some of Cape Town's real philanthropists, often seen in the Cape Times society pages for their charitable work. They started with a small factory in Salt River, making nurses' caps, and built an empire that became the largest clothing and textile producer on the African continent, employing over 10,000 people at its peak. Then came the tariff reductions in the mid-1990s, a consequence of South Africa joining the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and embracing trade liberalisation. Suddenly, cheap imports, particularly from China, flooded our markets. Local manufacturers, burdened by higher production costs, simply couldn't compete. The impact was devastating. The South African clothing and textile industry, once a significant employer, shed tens of thousands of jobs and saw countless factories close their doors. Seardel, that mighty empire, went into liquidation in 2018, unable to withstand the relentless pressure. Salt River Main Road, once lined with suit manufacturers like Rex Trufom, Fabiani, and Ralph Lauren Polo, which exported men's and women's business suits to high-end consumers worldwide, became a shadow of its former self. We used to buy a men's suit for less than half the retail price, and if it didn't fit, a seamstress on site would tailor it for a few extra rand. I recall being in Harrods in London and seeing a pair of khaki cotton Polo chinos for £150 (around R3,500). I hesitated, knowing I'd be back in Cape Town soon, and sure enough, I found the exact same chinos at Access Park for R150. Who could forget Ronald Sassoon jeans? In the 80s, they were a big deal, our South African answer to Guess Jeans, with iconic marketing campaigns shot in Cape Town, featuring glamorous models next to vintage cars. That brand, too, saw its journey changed by the tides of trade. It wasn't just Cape Town. In Durban, Clairwood, once the vibrant heart of South Africa's shoe manufacturing industry, became a ghost town, a direct result of the influx of cheap imported footwear. So, as tariffs once again hit the headlines, perhaps those countries with thriving local industries should pause and consider. Thirty years on, we in South Africa live with the stark reality of what trade liberalisation and reduced tariffs can truly do to local manufacturers and economies. It's a cautionary tale of the empty factories and lost livelihoods of our once-thriving clothing industry. IOL Lifestyle Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel.

TimesLIVE
7 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Modi faces opposition fury after Trump's 25% tariff threat
Indian opposition parties criticised the government on Thursday, describing US President Donald Trump's threat of a 25% tariff as a diplomatic failure for New Delhi, while the rupee tumbled and equity indices slid in response to the news. The 25% rate would single out India more harshly than other major trading partners and threatens to unravel months of talks, undermining one of Washington's strategic partners in the region, viewed as a counterbalance to China. Trump said the tariff on goods imports from India would start from Friday, in addition to an unspecified penalty for Russian dealings and involvement in the Brics grouping of nations, but added later that trade talks continued. In response, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi said it was studying the implications of Trump's remarks and was dedicated to securing a fair trade deal. 'This development reflects a broader collapse of foreign policy under the Modi government,' a legislator of the main opposition Congress said in a notice asking for a discussion of the matter in the lower house. The debate would focus on the 'government's economic and diplomatic failure in preventing the imposition of 25% US tariffs plus penalties on Indian exports,' it added. Commerce minister Piyush Goyal is expected to brief the lower house later on Thursday, TV news channels said. Economists warned the steep tariff could hurt India's manufacturing ambitions and trim up to 40 basis points from economic growth in the financial year to March 2026. India's benchmark equity indices, the Nifty 50 and BSE Sensex, fell about 0.6% each, while the rupee declined to 87.74, its lowest in more than five months, before paring losses. India has received a 'raw deal', said Priyanka Kishore, an economist at Asia Decoded. 'While further trade talks may bring the tariff rate down, it appears unlikely that India will secure a significantly better outcome than its eastern neighbours,' she added.