NHRI Conducts Introductory Visit to Umm Al Quwain Police General Headquarters - Middle East Business News and Information
Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, May, 2025: As part of its continued efforts to strengthen institutional partnerships and promote a culture of human rights across the United Arab Emirates, the National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) conducted an introductory visit to the Umm Al Quwain Police General Headquarters.
His Excellency Major General Sheikh Rashid bin Ahmed Al Mualla, Commander-in-Chief of Umm Al Quwain Police, received the NHRI delegation, led by NHRI Chairperson Maqsoud Kruse. The delegation also included NHRI Board of Trustees members Dr. Ahmed Al Mansoori, and Dr. Abdul Aziz Al Noman; H.E. Dr. Saeed Al Ghfeli, NHRI Secretary-General; Amro Al Qahtani, Director of the Chairperson's Office; Abdulazeez Al Obthani, Head of International and Regional Organizations; Fatima Al Hosani, Head of the Awareness and Education Section; and Klaithem Al Kaabi from the Media Center.
The visit aimed to advance cooperation and enhance coordination between the NHRI and the Umm Al Quwain Police in support of shared objectives related to justice, human dignity, and institutional development.
During the meeting, the NHRI delegation presented the Institution's independent mandate and its responsibilities in monitoring, promoting, and protecting human rights. The discussion underscored the importance of partnering with police authorities to support national efforts and uphold values enshrined in UAE legislation and aligned with international human rights standards.
H.E. Maqsoud Kruse noted that the visit aligns with the NHRI's strategic plan to expand engagement with key national institutions and raise awareness about its operational frameworks and collaborative approaches to safeguarding rights and freedoms across all sectors.
The visit concluded with a field tour of facilities at the Umm Al Quwain Police General Headquarters, where the NHRI delegation was briefed on leading community service initiatives and the measures in place to uphold human rights within law enforcement practices.
About the National Human Rights Institution:
The National Human Rights Institution was established under Federal Law No. (12) of 2021 as an independent entity with financial and administrative autonomy in carrying out its functions, activities, and mandates. The NHRI aims to promote and protect human rights and freedoms in accordance with the provisions of the UAE Constitution, applicable laws and legislations, as well as relevant international conventions, treaties, and agreements.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Egypt Independent
25-05-2025
- Egypt Independent
As Trump aims to expand presidential authority, can anyone stop him?
CNN — From day to day, Donald Trump's second term often seems like a roman candle of grievance, with the administration spraying attacks in all directions on institutions and individuals the president considers hostile. Hardly a day goes by without Trump pressuring some new target: escalating his campaign against Harvard by trying to bar the university from enrolling foreign students; deriding musicians Bruce Springsteen and Taylor Swift on social media; and issuing barely veiled threats against Walmart and Apple around the companies' responses to his tariffs. Trump's panoramic belligerence may appear as to lack a more powerful unifying theme than lashing out at anything, or anyone, who has caught his eye. But to many experts, the confrontations Trump has instigated since returning to the White House are all directed toward a common, and audacious, goal: undermining the separation of powers that represents a foundational principle of the Constitution. While debates about the proper boundaries of presidential authority have persisted for generations, many historians and constitutional experts believe Trump's attempt to centralize power over American life differs from his predecessors' not only in degree, but in kind. American flags are seen during a protest outside the US Supreme Court over President Donald Trump's move to end birthright citizenship as the court hears arguments over the order in Washington, DC, on May 15. Drew Angerer/AFP/Getty Images At various points in our history, presidents have pursued individual aspects of Trump's blueprint for maximizing presidential clout. But none have combined Trump's determination to sideline Congress; circumvent the courts; enforce untrammeled control over the executive branch; and mobilize the full might of the federal government against all those he considers impediments to his plans: state and local governments and elements of civil society such as law firms, universities and nonprofit groups, and even private individuals. 'The sheer level of aggression and the speed at which (the administration has) moved ' is unprecedented, said Paul Pierson, a political scientist at the University of California at Berkeley. 'They are engaging in a whole range of behaviors that I think are clearly breaking through conventional understandings of what the law says, and of what the Constitution says.' Yuval Levin, director of social, cultural and constitutional studies at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, also believes that Trump is pursuing the most expansive vision of presidential power since Woodrow Wilson over a century ago. But Levin believes Trump's campaign will backfire by compelling the Supreme Court to resist his excesses and more explicitly limit presidential authority. 'I think it is likely that the presidency as an institution will emerge from these four years weaker and not stronger,' Levin wrote in an email. 'The reaction that Trump's excessive assertiveness will draw from the Court will backfire against the executive branch in the long run.' Other analysts, to put it mildly, are less optimistic that this Supreme Court, with its six-member Republican-appointed majority, will stop Trump from augmenting his power to the point of destabilizing the constitutional system. It remains uncertain whether any institution in the intricate political system that the nation's founders devised can do so. A war on multiple fronts One defining characteristic of Trump's second term is that he's moving simultaneously against all of the checks and balances the Constitution established to constrain the arbitrary exercise of presidential power. He's marginalized Congress by virtually dismantling agencies authorized by statute, claiming the right to impound funds Congress has authorized; openly announcing he won't enforce laws he opposes (like the statute barring American companies from bribing foreign officials); and pursuing huge changes in policy (as on tariffs and immigration) through emergency orders rather than legislation. He's asserted absolute control over the executive branch through mass layoffs; an erosion of civil service protections for federal workers; the wholesale dismissal of inspectors general; and the firing of commissioners at independent regulatory agencies (a move that doubles as an assault on the authority of Congress, which structured those agencies to insulate them from direct presidential control). In this photo released by Sen. Chris Van Hollen's press office, Van Hollen, right, speaks with Kilmar Abrego Garcia in a hotel restaurant in San Salvador, El Salvador, on April 17. Press Office Senator Van Hollen/AP He's arguably already crossed the line into open defiance of lower federal courts through his resistance to orders to restore government grants and spending, and his refusal to pursue the release of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, the undocumented immigrant the administration has acknowledged was wrongly deported to El Salvador. And while Trump so far has stopped short of directly flouting a Supreme Court order, no one could say he's done much to follow its command to 'facilitate' Abrego Garcia's return. Trump has trampled traditional notions of federalism (especially as championed by conservatives) by systematically attempting to impose red state priorities, particularly on cultural issues, onto blue states. His administration has arrested a judge in Wisconsin and a mayor in New Jersey over immigration-related disputes. (Last week, the administration dropped the case against the Newark mayor and instead filed an assault charge against Democratic US Rep. LaMonica McIver.) Most unprecedented have been Trump's actions to pressure civil society. He has sought to punish law firms who have represented Democrats or other causes he dislikes; cut off federal research grants and threatened the tax exempt status of universities that pursue policies he opposes; directed the Justice Department to investigate ActBlue, the principal grassroots fundraising arm for Democrats, and even ordered the DOJ to investigate individual critics from his first term. Courts have already rejected some of these actions as violations of such basic constitutional rights as free speech and due process. It's difficult to imagine almost any previous president doing any of those things, much less all of them. 'This ability to just deter other actors from exercising their core rights and responsibilities at this kind of scope is something we haven't had before,' said Eric Schickler, co-author with Pierson of the 2024 book 'Partisan Nation' and also a UC Berkeley political scientist. For Trump's supporters, the breadth of this campaign against the separation of powers is a feature, not a bug. Russell Vought, director of the Office of Management and Budget and one of the principal intellectual architects of Trump's second term, has argued that centralizing more power in the presidency will actually restore the Constitution's vision of checks and balances. In Vought's telling, liberals 'radically perverted' the founders' plan by diminishing both the president and Congress to shift influence toward 'all-empowered career 'experts'' in federal agencies. To restore proper balance to the system, Vought argued, 'The Right needs to' unshackle the presidency by 'throw(ing) off the precedents and legal paradigms that have wrongly developed over the last two hundred years.' Trump summarized this view more succinctly during his first term, when he memorably declared, 'I have an Article II (of the Constitution), where I have to the right to do whatever I want as president.' Whatever else can be said about the first months of Trump's second term, no one would accuse him of faltering in that belief. Is Trump the president the founders tried to guard against? Patrick Henry delivering his famous speech on the Rights of the Colonies, before the Virginia Assembly, convened at Richmond, March 23, 1775. Buyenlarge/Earlier this year, Trump signed a proclamation honoring the 250th anniversary of the famous 'give me liberty or give me death' speech by Patrick Henry, the Revolutionary War era political leader. Trump's proclamation did not note the speech Henry delivered 13 years later to the Virginia convention considering whether to endorse the newly drafted US Constitution. Henry opposed ratification, mostly because he believed the Constitution provided too little protection against a malign or corrupt president. 'If your American chief, be a man of ambition, and abilities, how easy is it for him to render himself absolute!' Henry declared. If a president sought to misuse the vast authorities placed at his disposal, Henry warned, 'what have you to oppose this force? What will then become of you and your rights? Will not absolute despotism ensue?' Brown University political scientist Corey Brettschneider, who highlighted that speech in his recent book 'The Presidents and the People,' wrote that Henry was among the founders who most clearly recognized that the 'presidency was a loaded gun and its ostensibly benign powers might be used for ill.' Even those who supported the Constitution shared some of Henry's misgivings. Preventing a descent into tyranny was a major theme throughout the Federalist Papers, the essays written primarily by James Madison and Alexander Hamilton to encourage states to adopt the Constitution. To Madison, one of the document's chief virtues was that it divided power in a manner that made it difficult for any single individual or political faction to assume absolute power. A core idea in the Constitution's design was that executive, legislative and judicial branch officials would zealously guard the prerogatives of their institution and push back when either of the others encroached on it. 'Ambition must be made to counteract ambition,' Madison wrote in one of the Federalist Papers' most famous sentences. 'The interest of the man must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place.' Madison thought the Constitution created a second line of defense against despotism. Not only would power be diffused across the three branches of the federal government, it would also be apportioned 'between two distinct governments' at the national and state level. That federalism would create what Madison called 'a double security (for) the rights of the people.' The Constitution always had faults, most glaringly its tolerance of slavery. And its protections wobbled and cracked at times when presidents threatened basic rights – often in, or immediately after, war time. But as Pierson and Schickler argued in 'Partisan Nation,' the separation of powers generally worked as intended through most of US history. 'For almost a quarter of a millennium,' they wrote, 'the operation of American government tended to frustrate the efforts of a particular coalition or individual to consolidate power, dispersing political authority and encouraging pluralism.' The founders' strategy, though, was showing signs of strain even before Trump emerged as a national figure. In recent decades, Pierson and Schickler argue, the increasingly polarized and nationalized nature of our political parties has attenuated the Constitution's system of checks and balances and separation of powers (a structure often described as the Madisonian system). While Madison and his contemporaries thought that other officials would focus primarily on defending their institutional prerogatives, in modern politics, state and federal officials, and even judicial appointees, appear to prioritize their partisan identity on the Democratic or Republican team. That's steadily diminished the willingness of other power centers to push back in the way Madison expected against a president from their own side overstepping his boundaries. Trump is both building on that process and escalating it to an entirely new level of ambition. A stress test with uncertain outcome Will Trump succeed in overwhelming the separation of powers and concentrating power in the presidency – potentially to the point of undermining American freedom and democracy itself? Even to pose those questions is to contemplate possibilities that Americans have rarely needed to imagine. Brettschneider's book traces the history of public resistance to presidents who threatened civil liberties and the rule of law, including John Adams, Andrew Johnson and Richard Nixon. He says those precedents offer reason for optimism, but not excessive confidence, that the system will survive Trump's offensive. 'We have these past victories to draw on,' Brettschneider said. 'But we shouldn't be naïve: The system is fragile. We just don't know if American democracy will survive.' Levin, the author of 'American Covenant,' an insightful 2024 book on the Constitution, doesn't see Trump presenting such an existential challenge. He agrees Congress is unlikely to muster much resistance to Trump's claims of unbounded authority: 'The weakness of Congress, and the vacuum that weakness creates, is the deepest challenge confronting our constitutional system, even now,' Levin wrote. But he believes the Supreme Court ultimately will constrain Trump. Levin believes the court will distinguish between what he calls the 'unitary executive' theory – which posits the president should exert more authority over the executive branch – and the 'unitary government' theory, which would expand the president's power over other branches and civil society. 'So this court will simultaneously strengthen the president's command of the executive branch … and restrain the president's attempts to violate the separation of powers,' Levin predicts. That expectation underpins his belief that Trump's power grabs ultimately are more likely to weaken than strengthen the presidency. Analysts to Levin's left are much less confident the same Republican-appointed Supreme Court majority that voted to virtually immunize Trump from criminal prosecution for official actions will consistently restrain him – or that it is guaranteed Trump will comply if it does. They tend to see Trump's second term as presenting an almost unparalleled stress test for the Constitution's interlocked mechanisms to preserve freedom and democracy. The fact that the Madisonian system of checks and balances, separation of powers and federalism has 'sustained itself for 235 years can give you a lot of confidence' that it will endure, Schickler said. 'What I would say is: We shouldn't be too confident. It broke once before in the Civil War. It's not going to break in the same way, but the possibility of it breaking is real.' The first months of Trump's return have revealed his determination to shatter the defenses that system has constructed against the misuse of presidential power. Less certain is whether officials from the other branches of government, leaders in civil society, and even ordinary Americans, will show the same determination to defend them.
Egypt Independent
16-05-2025
- Egypt Independent
Trump might be a strongman — but he still can't do everything he wants
CNN — A crush of domestic and global confrontations initiated by Donald Trump could be decided by this question: How much power does the president really have? Imagery from Trump's trip to the Persian Gulf this week built on three months of the White House's aggressive flexing of often-questionable authority at home. Purple carpets, fighter jet escorts and opulent state banquets laid on by monarchs and princes all fueled the chosen rationale of Trump's second term — that he's a president of exceptional, even unique power. But if his presidency is to move beyond personality-cult stunts into genuine legislative achievements at home and fulfill his 'peacemaker' promises abroad, Trump must show he can deploy power and political capital — not just pose as an omnipotent figure. Recent days suggest that while Trump can claim vast executive authority and take advantage of the wide latitude granted by the Constitution to dictate foreign policy, he cannot control every event President Donald Trump is greeted by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as he arrives at King Khalid International Airport on May 13, 2025, in Riyadh, Saudi leaders who fail to recognize Trump's power While Trump intimidates many of his domestic opponents, there's no shortage of hostile foreign leaders willing to deploy their own great power to test him. His most serious rival for the title of the most powerful man in the world, China's President Xi Jinping, forced the president to rein in his trade war after refusing to bend to Trump's 145% tariff. The US leader cut the tariff to 30% pending talks with Beijing as severe economic pain beckoned. The lesson many leaders will take is that when the United States begins to feel the pain of Trump's actions, the president will back down. Such perceptions will drain his capacity to score the big wins on trade he believes are in reach. Trump's unpopularity in many Western democracies may also mean leaders will acquire their own political power to stand up to him. New Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, for instance, won the recent general election specifically by running against the US president. Another US adversary, Russian President Vladimir Putin, is undermining the idea that Trump can simply dictate outcomes across the planet. He failed to show up for peace talks in Turkey that Trump all but ordered Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to attend in a snub to Washington's peace effort. But even after this humiliation, Trump dug deeper into his delusion that the force of his personality alone will create breakthroughs. 'Nothing's going to happen until Putin and I get together,' Trump told reporters aboard Air Force One on Thursday. One curious aspect of the president's bid to end the war is that while imposing public pressure on Zelensky, he's been unwilling to use the substantial power he has — in the form of new sanctions against Russia or arms shipments to Ukraine — that might force Putin to the table. Still, Trump would be far from the first US president to find out that the power of the presidency, the world's most powerful military and the force of their own personalities cannot simply change calculations of US foes. Foreign nations and non-state actors such as terror groups act according to their perceptions of their self-interests. They don't just bow to a president's power. Trump has more luck imposing strongman rule at home At home, the president is effectively using his power to intimidate. He's taken executive action against top law firms involved in prosecutions against him; he's neutered the White House press pool. And Trump has used presidential authority to attack institutions that have challenged his own reality — like Harvard University. This has led to yet more court fights. And other powerful figures have been intimidated by the perception of a strongman president. The homage paid to Trump at his inauguration by tech CEOs whose firms dominate modern American society remains one of the signature images of his presidency. But in other areas, reality is forcing Trump to step back. He wielded unchecked power in imposing tariffs. But he can't control their impact. On Thursday, the source of another kind of American power — the mighty Walmart chain — warned that 'higher tariffs will result in higher prices.' This is a dangerous truth for the White House. Officials lashed out at other firms who've warned about the direct cost to shoppers of tariff policies. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt accused Amazon of a 'hostile and political act' when one of its websites was reportedly considering itemizing the costs of new import duties — a scheme that never came into force. But her rebuke showed the White House understands how a public backlash could gut Trump's controversial use of presidential authority to reshape the economy. Challenging the power of the courts The president's attempts to act without restraint are a constant motif of this fateful moment in American politics. Trump's new term is underscoring that while courts have considerable heft in reining in a president's authority, their capacity to act as constraints on an unrestrained executive is retrospective. For instance, many of the scything cuts made to the federal government and the bureaucracy by Department of Government Efficiency chief Elon Musk have been suspended or even reversed. But government agencies have already been decimated by the time courts act. Trump may end up losing the legal battle over the dismantling of the US Agency for International Development. But the loss of programs is already having a humanitarian toll. A future president will find it hard to repair the damage. Trump frequently showed in his first term that he believed he had almost absolute authority. The misconception was reinforced when the Supreme Court found that a president has substantial immunity for official acts just before he won the 2024 election. The second Trump White House, purged of any officials who might push back against his power grabs, has implemented the most sweeping interpretation of presidential sway of the modern era. One strategy has been to implement national emergencies on trade and immigration to unlock rarely used presidential authorities. Pliant GOP majorities have done nothing to wield Congress's own constitutional power to block him — partly because of Trump's remarkable hold on grassroots voters. In some ways, Trump is building on a trend of recent decades. Congress's failure to overcome polarization and do its job — in passing budgets and fixing crises like the one at the southern border — has given presidents more leeway to use executive power. Several, including Democrats Joe Biden and Barack Obama, wielded their presidential pen in frustration at lawmakers' impotence. But Trump, characteristically, pushed that method to extremes. White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller speaks to reporters outside the White House, Friday, May 9, 2025, in Washington. Mark Schiefelbein/AP The Supreme Court is yet again asked to adjudicate presidential authority As Trump spent the last day of his tour of the Gulf in the United Arab Emirates on Thursday, the question of presidential power was consuming Washington. The Supreme Court held a critical hearing that could define Trump's capacity to act. The case arises from Trump's attempt to reject the constitutional right to birthright citizenship. Justices must decide whether to lift a series of nationwide court orders blocking him from enforcing the policy. If the administration prevails, it could subvert the capacity of a single court to impose stays on key policies. This would potentially dismantle one of the few constraints on Trump's strongman rule and might apply across a range of issues that go beyond immigration. On another legal front, the administration is examining what would be another enormous power play, that has critics warning of encroaching authoritarianism. White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller said last week officials were 'actively looking' at suspending habeas corpus — the legal procedure that permits detained people to petition for their release in court. Miller threatened the move in an apparent attempt to pressure judges who use their own constitutional authority to check the executive branch. 'A lot of it depends on whether the courts do the right thing or not,' Miller said. Trump's political capital will also be critical When Trump arrives home Friday night, another aspect of his power will be tested — his capacity to force Republican lawmakers to enact his agenda. GOP negotiators are expected to work through the weekend on his 'big, beautiful bill.' The measure contains many of Trump's top legislative priorities, including huge tax cuts, plans to expand energy production and hiking defense spending. Trump is also seeking steep reductions in public spending, but to make the numbers add up, Republicans are seeking to curb Medicaid and food stamp programs — a strategy that could end up hurting many Trump voters. The expectation is that House Speaker Mike Johnson will eventually squeeze the measure through with his tiny House majority because Trump wants it so badly and because the president maintains a dominant hold over GOP voters who pressure lawmakers in their districts. And no president's power is ever as potent as in the early months of his term. But a tough path awaits the bill in the Senate. Trump's best, and perhaps only, chance for a substantial second-term legislative legacy depends on his power to make GOP lawmakers do what he wants. His ambitious bid to remake global political and trading systems in his own image will depend on similar attempts to coerce other world leaders.
Mid East Info
09-05-2025
- Mid East Info
NHRI Conducts Introductory Visit to Umm Al Quwain Police General Headquarters - Middle East Business News and Information
Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, May, 2025: As part of its continued efforts to strengthen institutional partnerships and promote a culture of human rights across the United Arab Emirates, the National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) conducted an introductory visit to the Umm Al Quwain Police General Headquarters. His Excellency Major General Sheikh Rashid bin Ahmed Al Mualla, Commander-in-Chief of Umm Al Quwain Police, received the NHRI delegation, led by NHRI Chairperson Maqsoud Kruse. The delegation also included NHRI Board of Trustees members Dr. Ahmed Al Mansoori, and Dr. Abdul Aziz Al Noman; H.E. Dr. Saeed Al Ghfeli, NHRI Secretary-General; Amro Al Qahtani, Director of the Chairperson's Office; Abdulazeez Al Obthani, Head of International and Regional Organizations; Fatima Al Hosani, Head of the Awareness and Education Section; and Klaithem Al Kaabi from the Media Center. The visit aimed to advance cooperation and enhance coordination between the NHRI and the Umm Al Quwain Police in support of shared objectives related to justice, human dignity, and institutional development. During the meeting, the NHRI delegation presented the Institution's independent mandate and its responsibilities in monitoring, promoting, and protecting human rights. The discussion underscored the importance of partnering with police authorities to support national efforts and uphold values enshrined in UAE legislation and aligned with international human rights standards. H.E. Maqsoud Kruse noted that the visit aligns with the NHRI's strategic plan to expand engagement with key national institutions and raise awareness about its operational frameworks and collaborative approaches to safeguarding rights and freedoms across all sectors. The visit concluded with a field tour of facilities at the Umm Al Quwain Police General Headquarters, where the NHRI delegation was briefed on leading community service initiatives and the measures in place to uphold human rights within law enforcement practices. About the National Human Rights Institution: The National Human Rights Institution was established under Federal Law No. (12) of 2021 as an independent entity with financial and administrative autonomy in carrying out its functions, activities, and mandates. The NHRI aims to promote and protect human rights and freedoms in accordance with the provisions of the UAE Constitution, applicable laws and legislations, as well as relevant international conventions, treaties, and agreements.
