Centre advances talks to July 20; Sonam Wangchuk defers hunger strike
Wangchuk, a newly inducted member of the Leh apex body, had planned to go on hunger strike from July 15, if the Centre failed to hold talks with LAB and Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) before July 15.
Addressing a press conference at Leh, Lakrook said, 'Since a new proposal has come from the Centre to hold talks on July 20 and there is no big gap between July 15 and 20, Sonam Wangchuk has decided to defer his hunger strike.'
'However, we have to see if they (MHA) invite us on July 20 for another round of talks. At the same time, we have to see if they include statehood and Sixth Schedule in the agenda or not because we don't want to remain entangled on the issue of unemployment. A lot of talks followed by action for jobs has already taken place,' said Lakrook.
On recent developments regarding the Buddhist spiritual leader Thupstan Chhewang parting ways with LAB, he said, 'We will resolve the issue soon.'
Leh apex body along with Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) has been spearheading a protracted agitation for statehood and Sixth Schedule to Ladakh. The home ministry had earlier assured to hold the meeting on July 28, which according to LAB, has now pre-poned the date to July 20.
Following continual agitations by the people of Ladakh, the Union home ministry had formed a high-powered committee in 2023 under minister of state Nityanand Rai to discuss ways to protect Ladakh's unique culture, considering its location and strategic importance.
During his visit to the strategic region on June 30 and July 1, union home secretary Govind Mohan had met a delegation of the Leh apex body and assured them that next meeting of the MHA with apex body and KDA will be convened soon.
It may be stated here that Sonam Wangchuk has recently joined the Leh apex body and also agreed upon to represent high powered committee and sub committee during deliberations with the union home ministry.
However, veteran Buddhist spiritual leader Thupstan Chhewang recently quit the apex body and high powered committee. He was the chairman of the high powered panel.
In a statement issued to media, Chhewang reiterated his decision to stay away from electoral politics and partisan affiliations.
'In keeping with this stance, I hereby resign as Chairman and member of the Apex Body, as well as from the High-Powered Committee. I prefer not to be entangled in competing interests,' he said in the note.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
News18
5 hours ago
- News18
Rebirth Or Rebranding? Reincarnation Under Surveillance
Last Updated: India's quiet support for Tibetan culture has provided refuge and continuity for the Dalai Lama's teachings, making Himalayan communities essential anchors in spiritual landscape The question of who will be recognised as the 15th reincarnation of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama is not merely a matter of religious tradition—it is a litmus test for the global community's commitment to spiritual freedom and cultural autonomy. At the epicentre of this issue lies a stark confrontation: between the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, rooted in centuries of spiritual wisdom, and the People's Republic of China, whose bureaucratic apparatus seeks to politicise reincarnation itself. China's 2007 directives on the management of reincarnated lamas—mandating state approval and invoking the archaic 'Golden Urn' method—are not only a distortion of Tibetan religious practice but a calculated attempt to subjugate faith under authoritarian control. These measures, cloaked in the language of regulation, are instruments of ideological domination, designed to erode the spiritual sovereignty of Tibet and replace it with state-sanctioned orthodoxy. The Buddhist Renaissance, initiated in the wake of systemic religious restrictions, has unfolded within a contested ideological space, marked by fundamentally differing visions of religion's role in contemporary Tibet. The institution of reincarnation (Tib. trulku, sprul sku) is one of the central concepts in not only the Buddhist but almost all Indic traditions with saṃsāra, as the vicious cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. This cycle, according to Buddhist doctrine, is ceaseless and infinite in duration, encompassing all sentient beings until they attain nirvāṇa. Progression through this cycle is determined by one's moral conduct and karmic accumulation. As part of this cultural and religious synthesis, the concept of the trulku—a consciously reincarnated spiritual master—became a hallmark of Tibetan Buddhism. During the Second Dissemination (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet in the late 10th and early 11th centuries, a process of institutionalisation of Buddhism within Tibetan society and the emergence of distinct Tibetan Buddhist schools also bloomed. Unlike ordinary beings who are subject to involuntary rebirth within saṃsāra, Tulkus are believed to be spiritually realised individuals who, having transcended the cycle of existence, choose to reincarnate voluntarily. Their return in physical form is seen as an act of compassion, intended to benefit sentient beings and further the Dharma. The three kayas thus are: Dharmakāya (Truth Body): The eternal, formless essence of the Buddha, representing ultimate reality and transcending both physical and spiritual dimensions. Sambhogakāya (Enjoyment Body): The celestial manifestation of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, perceptible only to advanced practitioners who have attained a high level of spiritual realization. Nirmāṇakāya (Emanation Body; Tib. trulku): The physical form through which Buddhas and Bodhisattvas appear in the human realm to guide sentient beings toward liberation. The most prominent and influential reincarnation lineages in the Gelugpa tradition of Tibetan Buddhism are the Dalai Lamas (tā la'i bla ma) and the Panchen Lamas (paṇ chen bla ma). The Dalai Lama is revered as the manifestation of the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara, the spiritual protector of the Tibetan people, while the Panchen Lama is regarded as the embodiment of Buddha Amitābha. The rise of the Gelug school in the 17th century represented a turning point in Tibetan religious and political history. Under the leadership of figures such as the Fifth Dalai Lama, the Gelug tradition consolidated power and became the dominant force in Tibetan Buddhism. With growing support from Mongol patrons and increasing centralization of authority in Lhasa, the school undertook an ambitious program of institutional expansion. As Gelug influence extended across the Tibetan plateau and beyond, this power shift brought about a dramatic increase in monastic construction. Dozens—eventually hundreds—of new monasteries were founded throughout Central Tibet, Amdo, Kham, and even parts of Mongolia and China. These institutions not only served religious functions but also became local centers of education, administration, and cultural life. Crucially, with the expansion of monastic infrastructure came the proliferation of tulku lineages—hereditary reincarnations of spiritually accomplished lamas. Many of these tulkus were recognised within individual monasteries and functioned primarily at the local level, acting as spiritual leaders and ensuring continuity within their institutions. Though these lineages did not possess the sweeping authority of the Dalai or Panchen Lamas, they were deeply influential within their regional and sectarian contexts. This system also reflected a broader theological and political strategy: While this created a rich and intricate web of spiritual leadership, one in which the influence of most was localised, even as a few achieved pan-Tibetan recognition, like the authority of the Dalai and Panchen Lamas, whose influence extended as far as Mongolia. The conflict over the recognition of Tulkus—reincarnate Tibetan Buddhist leaders—reached a flashpoint in 1995, centering on the succession of the 10th Panchen Lama, who passed away in January 1989 at Tashilhünpo Monastery in Shigatse. The dispute intensified in May 1995, when the 14th Dalai Lama recognized Gendün Chökyi Nyima (b. 1989) as the 11th Panchen Lama. The 1995 abduction of Gendün Chökyi Nyima, the Dalai Lama's recognised 11th Panchen Lama, remains one of the most egregious violations of religious freedom in modern history. His disappearance, followed by the installation of a politically compliant proxy, Gyaltsen Norbu, underscores Beijing's intent: to control not only the narrative of Tibetan Buddhism but its future leadership. It is noteworthy that a substantial number of Tibetans—both within Tibet and across the global diaspora—do not acknowledge him as a legitimate reincarnated tulku. This sentiment reflects long-standing concerns about the authenticity of religious appointments made or endorsed under political authority, rather than through traditional spiritual processes. China, as a one-party state led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), maintains an officially atheist stance. Historically, CCP leadership has often characterised religious belief as incompatible with Marxist-Leninist ideology. Famously, Mao Zedong once referred to religion as 'poison," a reflection of the party's foundational skepticism toward organized spiritual practice. Although the state now allows limited religious expression under strict regulatory frameworks, many observers note that such policies prioritize ideological conformity over genuine religious freedom. In China, thus Buddha Dhamma is often perceived less as a religious tradition and more as a cultural artifact. China's treatment of Buddhism reveals a stark contradiction. While the state elevates the Buddhist Association of China (BAC) as a legitimate voice in global religious forums, it simultaneously enacts policies that dismantle authentic Buddhist practice—particularly in Tibetan regions. Monasteries are demolished, spiritual leaders are silenced, and reincarnation processes are manipulated to serve political ends. This dual strategy—legitimising state-controlled Buddhism while suppressing independent religious expression—reflects a calculated erosion of religious freedom under the guise of cultural stewardship. Additionally, the Sinicisation of Buddha Dhamma by the Chinese state, under the guise of cultural integration, increasingly appears to be a calculated effort to subordinate a transnational spiritual tradition to the ideological apparatus of the Communist Party. While China asserts its sovereign right to shape religious expression within its borders, the systematic reinterpretation of Buddhist teachings to align with 'socialist core values" and 'Xi Jinping Thought" undermines the doctrinal integrity of the Dhamma and erodes its universal spiritual message. This politicized transformation—framed as modernization—risks reducing Buddha Dhamma to a tool of state propaganda, marginalizing authentic practice, and silencing centuries of pluralistic discourse. The complex interplay between state governance and Tibetan spiritual identity continues to evoke international concern and scholarly debate. It raises fundamental questions about cultural autonomy, spiritual legitimacy, and the appropriate role of political institutions in matters of faith. Should China attempt to replicate this maneuver with the Dalai Lama's succession, it will not only provoke spiritual outrage but geopolitical consequences. India, home to the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government-in-exile, stands at the crossroads of principle and pragmatism. Any reincarnation recognized on foreign soil would be a direct rebuke to China's claim of religious jurisdiction—a move that could redefine the contours of Chinese diplomacy. In response, the Chinese government conducted its selection process in November 1995 at Lhasa's Jokhang Temple, proclaiming Gyaltsen Norbu (b. 1990) as the state-sanctioned 11th Panchen Lama, who was formally enthroned the following month at Tashilhünpo. The Chinese appointed Panchen Lama is barely accepted by the people of Tibet who consider it compelling to attend his events; thus remaining largely unconvinced by his public engagements. There is an overwhelming resistance among the people of Tibet to accept the Chinese appointed Panchen Lama. Gendün Chökyi Nyima has remained disappeared since 1995 and is widely believed to be under state detention, where he continues to be regarded by most Tibetans as the rightful Panchen Lama. The Chinese government's unilateral appointment of its own Panchen Lama in 1995—following the disappearance of Gendün Chökyi Nyima, the Dalai Lama's recognised successor—was not merely a breach of religious protocol. It was a calculated maneuver to assert ideological control over Tibetan Buddhism and undermine the spiritual agency of the Tibetan people. This act, condemned internationally, continues to reverberate as a symbol of Beijing's disregard for religious freedom and cultural autonomy. The Panchen Lama's sacred role in identifying the next Dalai Lama makes this interference particularly glaring. By installing a state-sanctioned figure, China has positioned itself to manipulate the future of Tibetan spiritual leadership—a move widely viewed as an attempt to rewrite centuries-old traditions to suit political ends. Should Beijing replicate this strategy in selecting the 15th Dalai Lama, the consequences will be profound. Such a decision would not only deepen Tibetan resistance but also provoke diplomatic backlash from nations with historical and cultural ties to Tibet—most notably India, which hosts the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government-in-exile. The international community must recognize this moment for what it is: a struggle not just over a religious figure, but over the right of a people to preserve their faith, identity, and history. To remain silent is to tacitly endorse the commodification of spirituality by a regime that views religion as a tool of control. Foremost among the stakeholders is the Gaden Phodrang, the institution established by the 14th Dalai Lama and based in Dharamshala, India. The Dalai Lama has declared that this trust will be the legitimate authority in determining his reincarnation. The Tibetan diaspora, spread across India, Nepal, Bhutan, and much of the Western world, plays a vital role in safeguarding the cultural and religious integrity of Tibetan Buddhism. Many members of the diaspora argue that the next Dalai Lama should be born outside Chinese influence—preferably in a free country where religious practice is not controlled. Their advocacy and support have encouraged the 14th Dalai Lama to outline clear principles for his succession, including the possibility that the institution may end if not viewed as meaningful by Tibetans themselves. The Chinese government claims authority over all Buddhist reincarnations under its jurisdiction, insisting on using the historical 'Golden Urn' method to select the next Dalai Lama. However, many Tibetans inside China continue to revere the Dalai Lama and have sent private appeals urging him to ensure the continuation of the institution. Though public expression is tightly monitored, subtle forms of spiritual dissent endure, making Tibetans inside Tibet vulnerable stakeholders. Mongolia has a longstanding spiritual link with Tibet, rooted in the Cho-yon (patron-priest) relationship. Mongolian Buddhists largely follow the Gelug tradition, of which the Dalai Lama is the head. In recent years, the Dalai Lama's recognition of the 10th Jebtsundamba Khutuktu in Mongolia reaffirmed these connections. Mongolia's spiritual infrastructure and historical reverence for Tibetan Buddhism make it a key stakeholder—some even speculate it could be a site for the 15th Dalai Lama's birth. The term 'Dalai Lama" itself comes from the Mongolian word meaning Ocean of Wisdom. In 1578, Mongol ruler Altan Khan conferred the title upon Sonam Gyatso, the third leader of the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism. This retroactively made him the 3rd Dalai Lama, and the two previous leaders were posthumously recognized as the 1st and 2nd. In Russia, (three republics—Kalmykia, Buryatia, and Tuva)—form a distinct cluster of Tibetan Buddhist (Gelugpa) regions. Despite political challenges and restrictions on the Dalai Lama's visits, spiritual relations remain strong. These provinces have expressed support for his teachings, and some local leaders have voiced concern over external interference in the reincarnation process. The growing spiritual and cultural dialogue between Russian Buddhists and the Tibetan Gelugpa tradition has been further strengthened through the visits of esteemed masters such as Ling Rinpoche and Kundeling Rinpoche to Russia. These engagements represent a significant step in fostering deeper understanding and collaboration between the two communities. top videos View all Lastly, the Indian Himalayan region, encompassing areas like Ladakh, Himachal Pradesh, Darjeeling, Sikkim, and Arunachal Pradesh, houses over a million Tibetan Buddhists who view the Dalai Lama as their spiritual leader. Local leaders and monastic communities have voiced their support for a traditional reincarnation process. India's quiet support for Tibetan culture has provided refuge and continuity for the Dalai Lama's teachings, making these Himalayan communities essential anchors in the spiritual landscape. Together, these stakeholders form a mosaic of belief, politics, and heritage. The reincarnation of the Dalai Lama will be more than a spiritual event—it will be a referendum on the world's willingness to confront authoritarianism in its most insidious form: the rewriting of sacred tradition to serve political ambition. Baishali Sarkar is Research Associate at International Buddhist Confederation. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. About the Author Baishali Sarkar Baishali Sarkar is Research Associate at International Buddhist Confederation. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 21, 2025, 19:43 IST News opinion Opinion | Rebirth Or Rebranding? Reincarnation Under Surveillance Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Indian Express
15 hours ago
- Indian Express
Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's coalition loses Upper House majority
Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's ruling coalition, on Monday (July 21), faced a big blow in the crucial parliamentary election, as it failed to secure a majority in the 248-seat upper house, according to NHK public television. To retain a majority, Ishiba's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its junior coalition partner Komeito needed to win 50 seats, in addition to the 75 seats that they already hold. With just one more seat to be decided, the coalition secured 47 seats. The loss is a major setback for Ishiba's coalition, as it has now become a minority in both houses after its defeat in the lower house election in October. The result worsens Japan's political instability and marks the first time the LDP has lost a majority in both houses of parliament since the party's foundation in 1955. Despite the crushing blow, Ishiba expressed determination to fight challenges, including US tariff threats, without creating a political vacuum. 'I will fulfil my responsibility as head of the No. 1 party and work for the country,' he said. However, there could be calls from within his party to either step down or find another coalition partner. Ishiba coalition faces setback Ishiba had aimed for a simple majority of 125 seats in the upper house, meaning his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its Buddhist-backed junior coalition partner Komeito needed to win 50 seats. Exit poll results released shortly after the ballots closed on Sunday night mostly showed a major setback for Ishiba's coalition. The LDP alone won 39 seats, better than most exit poll projections of 32, and remained the No. 1 party in the parliament, known as the Diet. Ishiba attributed the coalition's poor showing to the fact that his government's measures to combat price increases had not yet reached many people. 'It's a tough situation. I take it humbly and sincerely,' Ishiba told a live interview with NHK. The performance in the election will not bring about an immediate change of government, as the upper house does not have the power to file a no-confidence motion against a leader, but it will raise questions about Ishiba's fate and raise uncertainty around Japan's political stability. (With inputs from AP)
Scroll.in
16 hours ago
- Scroll.in
Ready to discuss Pahalgam attack, Operation Sindoor in Parliament, says Centre
The Centre is ready to discuss the Pahalgam terror attack and Operation Sindoor in Parliament as long as 'certain rules' and conventions are followed, Union minister Kiren Rijiju said on Sunday. The parliamentary affairs minister's comment came after an all-party meeting convened by the Union government ahead of the Monsoon Session. The Opposition has demanded discussions on a range of matters. This includes the terror attack in Pahalgam, United States President Donald Trump's repeated claims that he brokered a ceasefire between India and Pakistan during Operation Sindoor and the special intensive revision of voter rolls being conducted in Bihar. Rijiju said that the government had 'patiently' heard suggestions from Opposition leaders and members of the ruling coalition during the all-party meeting. 'The government will never shy away from discussion unless it is prevented under certain rules or certain provisions,' he said. The Monsoon Session of Parliament will begin on Monday and conclude on August 21. Held All Party Meeting ahead of the Monsoon Session 2025. The govt is looking forward to a session marked by dialogue, cooperation and very meaningful outcomes. #Parliament — Kiren Rijiju (@KirenRijiju) July 20, 2025 Opposition seeks Modi's response Gaurav Gogoi, the Congress' deputy leader in the Lok Sabha, told reporters after the meeting that his party had sought a statement from Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the House on Trump's claim, the security 'lapses' that led to the Pahalgam attack and the revision of electoral rolls in Bihar, The New Indian Express reported. 'It is the moral responsibility of the PM to answer on these issues,' PTI quoted him as saying. Reiterating the demand on social media, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh said that the Opposition had also flagged the situation in Manipur, the restoration of statehood to Jammu and Kashmir and the demand for Sixth Schedule status for Ladakh, among others. The Ladakhi leadership has sought a constitutional guarantee under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, which guarantees protections over land and a nominal autonomy for the country's tribal areas. आज मोदी सरकार द्वारा बुलाई गई सर्वदलीय बैठक में मेरे साथी, लोकसभा में कांग्रेस संसदीय दल के उपनेता @GauravGogoiAsm ने भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस की ओर से संसद में चर्चा के लिए निम्नलिखित मुद्दों पर विस्तृत चर्चा की मांग रखी- 1. पहलगाम, ऑपरेशन सिंदूर, जम्मू-कश्मीर के उपराज्यपाल,… — Jairam Ramesh (@Jairam_Ramesh) July 20, 2025 Communist Party of India (Marxist) MP John Brittas urged Modi to speak on the Pahalgam attack and Trump's remarks on India-Pakistan ceasefire, The New Indian Express reported. Aam Aadmi Party MP Sanjay Singh also raised Trump's claims and what he described as the 'poll scam' linked to the Bihar electoral roll revision, the newspaper reported. Responding to the demand for Modi to address Parliament, Rijiju said on Sunday: 'I want to make it clear the prime minister remains in Parliament except during foreign travel…The prime minister always remains in Parliament, but the prime minister does not remain in the House all the time.' He added that in Parliament, the Cabinet functions through collective responsibility.
