logo
EU may get 15 per cent tariff deal with US: reports

EU may get 15 per cent tariff deal with US: reports

The Advertiser24-07-2025
The European Union is heading towards a trade deal with the United States that will result in a broad 15 per cent tariff on EU goods imported into the US, avoiding a harsher 30 per cent levy slated to be implemented from August 1, two EU diplomats say.
The rate, which could also extend to cars, would mirror the framework agreement the United States struck with Japan.
Officials from the European Commission, which negotiates trade deals on behalf of the 27-member bloc, briefed EU envoys on the state of talks with their US counterparts.
US President Donald Trump would ultimately make any final decision on a deal, however.
Under the outlines of the potential deal, the 15 per cent rate could apply to sectors including cars and pharmaceuticals and would not be added to long-standing US duties, which average just under five per cent.
There could also be concessions for sectors like aircraft, lumber as well as some medicines and agricultural products, which would not face tariffs, the diplomats said.
The US administration does not, however, appear willing to lower its current 50 per cent tariff on steel, they said.
The Commission said earlier on Wednesday that its primary focus was to achieve a negotiated outcome to avert the threatened 30 per cent tariffs.
At the same time it planned to submit counter-tariffs on 93 billion euros ($A166 billion) worth of US goods to EU members for approval.
A vote is expected on Thursday although no measures would be imposed until August 7.
Germany supported the EU readying countermeasures, a government representative said.
If Trump's 30 per cent tariffs are implemented, EU diplomats also said there was broad support among European governments to activate wide-ranging so-called "anti-coercion" measures, which would allow the bloc to target US services and other sectors.
The EU appears to be following in the footsteps of Japan, whose agreement with the United States is the most significant Trump has struck since launching his tariff offensive in April.
European shares climbed about one per cent, led by car stocks, following the US-Japan announcement.
One stand-out feature of that deal was that the same 15 per cent rate applies to cars, compared to the current US tariff of 27.5 per cent, something the EU may want for its own car exports.
The US imported vehicles and automotive parts valued at more than $US55 billion ($A84 billion) from Japan last year.
EU exports were 47.3 billion euros.
Far fewer US cars were sold into the EU or Japanese markets.
EU officials say the US has shown little sign of budging on car tariffs but the Japan deal could hint at flexibility.
"Whatever the Japanese got will become the minimum for the EU negotiating objectives," said Simon Evenett, professor of geopolitics and strategy at IMD Business School.
The European Union is heading towards a trade deal with the United States that will result in a broad 15 per cent tariff on EU goods imported into the US, avoiding a harsher 30 per cent levy slated to be implemented from August 1, two EU diplomats say.
The rate, which could also extend to cars, would mirror the framework agreement the United States struck with Japan.
Officials from the European Commission, which negotiates trade deals on behalf of the 27-member bloc, briefed EU envoys on the state of talks with their US counterparts.
US President Donald Trump would ultimately make any final decision on a deal, however.
Under the outlines of the potential deal, the 15 per cent rate could apply to sectors including cars and pharmaceuticals and would not be added to long-standing US duties, which average just under five per cent.
There could also be concessions for sectors like aircraft, lumber as well as some medicines and agricultural products, which would not face tariffs, the diplomats said.
The US administration does not, however, appear willing to lower its current 50 per cent tariff on steel, they said.
The Commission said earlier on Wednesday that its primary focus was to achieve a negotiated outcome to avert the threatened 30 per cent tariffs.
At the same time it planned to submit counter-tariffs on 93 billion euros ($A166 billion) worth of US goods to EU members for approval.
A vote is expected on Thursday although no measures would be imposed until August 7.
Germany supported the EU readying countermeasures, a government representative said.
If Trump's 30 per cent tariffs are implemented, EU diplomats also said there was broad support among European governments to activate wide-ranging so-called "anti-coercion" measures, which would allow the bloc to target US services and other sectors.
The EU appears to be following in the footsteps of Japan, whose agreement with the United States is the most significant Trump has struck since launching his tariff offensive in April.
European shares climbed about one per cent, led by car stocks, following the US-Japan announcement.
One stand-out feature of that deal was that the same 15 per cent rate applies to cars, compared to the current US tariff of 27.5 per cent, something the EU may want for its own car exports.
The US imported vehicles and automotive parts valued at more than $US55 billion ($A84 billion) from Japan last year.
EU exports were 47.3 billion euros.
Far fewer US cars were sold into the EU or Japanese markets.
EU officials say the US has shown little sign of budging on car tariffs but the Japan deal could hint at flexibility.
"Whatever the Japanese got will become the minimum for the EU negotiating objectives," said Simon Evenett, professor of geopolitics and strategy at IMD Business School.
The European Union is heading towards a trade deal with the United States that will result in a broad 15 per cent tariff on EU goods imported into the US, avoiding a harsher 30 per cent levy slated to be implemented from August 1, two EU diplomats say.
The rate, which could also extend to cars, would mirror the framework agreement the United States struck with Japan.
Officials from the European Commission, which negotiates trade deals on behalf of the 27-member bloc, briefed EU envoys on the state of talks with their US counterparts.
US President Donald Trump would ultimately make any final decision on a deal, however.
Under the outlines of the potential deal, the 15 per cent rate could apply to sectors including cars and pharmaceuticals and would not be added to long-standing US duties, which average just under five per cent.
There could also be concessions for sectors like aircraft, lumber as well as some medicines and agricultural products, which would not face tariffs, the diplomats said.
The US administration does not, however, appear willing to lower its current 50 per cent tariff on steel, they said.
The Commission said earlier on Wednesday that its primary focus was to achieve a negotiated outcome to avert the threatened 30 per cent tariffs.
At the same time it planned to submit counter-tariffs on 93 billion euros ($A166 billion) worth of US goods to EU members for approval.
A vote is expected on Thursday although no measures would be imposed until August 7.
Germany supported the EU readying countermeasures, a government representative said.
If Trump's 30 per cent tariffs are implemented, EU diplomats also said there was broad support among European governments to activate wide-ranging so-called "anti-coercion" measures, which would allow the bloc to target US services and other sectors.
The EU appears to be following in the footsteps of Japan, whose agreement with the United States is the most significant Trump has struck since launching his tariff offensive in April.
European shares climbed about one per cent, led by car stocks, following the US-Japan announcement.
One stand-out feature of that deal was that the same 15 per cent rate applies to cars, compared to the current US tariff of 27.5 per cent, something the EU may want for its own car exports.
The US imported vehicles and automotive parts valued at more than $US55 billion ($A84 billion) from Japan last year.
EU exports were 47.3 billion euros.
Far fewer US cars were sold into the EU or Japanese markets.
EU officials say the US has shown little sign of budging on car tariffs but the Japan deal could hint at flexibility.
"Whatever the Japanese got will become the minimum for the EU negotiating objectives," said Simon Evenett, professor of geopolitics and strategy at IMD Business School.
The European Union is heading towards a trade deal with the United States that will result in a broad 15 per cent tariff on EU goods imported into the US, avoiding a harsher 30 per cent levy slated to be implemented from August 1, two EU diplomats say.
The rate, which could also extend to cars, would mirror the framework agreement the United States struck with Japan.
Officials from the European Commission, which negotiates trade deals on behalf of the 27-member bloc, briefed EU envoys on the state of talks with their US counterparts.
US President Donald Trump would ultimately make any final decision on a deal, however.
Under the outlines of the potential deal, the 15 per cent rate could apply to sectors including cars and pharmaceuticals and would not be added to long-standing US duties, which average just under five per cent.
There could also be concessions for sectors like aircraft, lumber as well as some medicines and agricultural products, which would not face tariffs, the diplomats said.
The US administration does not, however, appear willing to lower its current 50 per cent tariff on steel, they said.
The Commission said earlier on Wednesday that its primary focus was to achieve a negotiated outcome to avert the threatened 30 per cent tariffs.
At the same time it planned to submit counter-tariffs on 93 billion euros ($A166 billion) worth of US goods to EU members for approval.
A vote is expected on Thursday although no measures would be imposed until August 7.
Germany supported the EU readying countermeasures, a government representative said.
If Trump's 30 per cent tariffs are implemented, EU diplomats also said there was broad support among European governments to activate wide-ranging so-called "anti-coercion" measures, which would allow the bloc to target US services and other sectors.
The EU appears to be following in the footsteps of Japan, whose agreement with the United States is the most significant Trump has struck since launching his tariff offensive in April.
European shares climbed about one per cent, led by car stocks, following the US-Japan announcement.
One stand-out feature of that deal was that the same 15 per cent rate applies to cars, compared to the current US tariff of 27.5 per cent, something the EU may want for its own car exports.
The US imported vehicles and automotive parts valued at more than $US55 billion ($A84 billion) from Japan last year.
EU exports were 47.3 billion euros.
Far fewer US cars were sold into the EU or Japanese markets.
EU officials say the US has shown little sign of budging on car tariffs but the Japan deal could hint at flexibility.
"Whatever the Japanese got will become the minimum for the EU negotiating objectives," said Simon Evenett, professor of geopolitics and strategy at IMD Business School.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

You can't quit America: It's too big to fail as the global leviathan
You can't quit America: It's too big to fail as the global leviathan

Sydney Morning Herald

time19 minutes ago

  • Sydney Morning Herald

You can't quit America: It's too big to fail as the global leviathan

This week, the European Union agreed to a trade deal with the United States that amounts to a capitulation to President Donald Trump. Yes, Trump had already made concessions in advance by pre-emptively walking back his outrageous opening gambit in the tariff war when markets rebelled. But the US president has since enjoyed a run of victories, establishing a new baseline for US tariff revenue with minimal retaliation from its trading partners. The deal that European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen sealed with Trump is part of this new normal, in which most countries appear willing to pay extra for access to American markets. It's not America but the rest of the world that seems to be chickening out. There is a hard lesson here for anyone who imagines that a populist-governed US might somehow end up isolated on the world stage. This fantasy has been a source of both comfort and schadenfreude for anti-Trump liberals, since it offers a vision of potential political escape from populism, with liberal culture reconstituted in Toronto or Oxford or Scandinavia, and a vision of a Trumpian America suffering economic punishment as its walls rise higher and the rest of the world prospers through mutual exchange – without the US. Both conceits are fundamental misreadings of the global situation, which the foreign leaders who have bowed to Trump's demands seem to understand clearly. The first thing they understand is that American economic power is just too big to escape or isolate or ignore. Before Trump's 2024 victory, the economic story was one in which American growth was clearly pulling away from our peer economies in Europe and East Asia. Since Trump's return to power, even protectionist policy that almost every economist deplores hasn't prevented the American sharemarket from rising and the American growth machine from churning onwards. Loading Even if Trump reverts to deeper folly and causes a recession, the forces favouring the US over Germany or Britain or South Korea or Japan will still be present in the next administration and beyond. Almost all of America's liberal-democratic peers are poorer than it is and too sclerotic to suddenly surge past it. There is just no booming, youthful, dynamic, entrepreneurial zone capable of taking the place of America in a network of free economies, and therefore no substitute for trade with its companies and access to its markets, even at a Trumpian price. There is, of course, China, which is strong enough to stand up to Trump's bullying and dynamic enough to stand as a counterweight to American economic might. But unless your country is already authoritarian – and not necessarily even then – the risks of throwing yourself fully into China's orbit are still much more extreme than the costs of managing a populist administration in Washington. This doesn't mean other countries won't end up trading more with China because of American protectionism. But there is no plausible world where China simply replaces the US as a trusted partner and pillar of globalisation. Here the economic story links up with the political one. If it's implausible to imagine a network of European and Asian economies prospering without the American leviathan, it's even less plausible to imagine some kind of liberal world order reconstituting itself separately from the US.

You can't quit America: It's too big to fail as the global leviathan
You can't quit America: It's too big to fail as the global leviathan

The Age

time19 minutes ago

  • The Age

You can't quit America: It's too big to fail as the global leviathan

This week, the European Union agreed to a trade deal with the United States that amounts to a capitulation to President Donald Trump. Yes, Trump had already made concessions in advance by pre-emptively walking back his outrageous opening gambit in the tariff war when markets rebelled. But the US president has since enjoyed a run of victories, establishing a new baseline for US tariff revenue with minimal retaliation from its trading partners. The deal that European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen sealed with Trump is part of this new normal, in which most countries appear willing to pay extra for access to American markets. It's not America but the rest of the world that seems to be chickening out. There is a hard lesson here for anyone who imagines that a populist-governed US might somehow end up isolated on the world stage. This fantasy has been a source of both comfort and schadenfreude for anti-Trump liberals, since it offers a vision of potential political escape from populism, with liberal culture reconstituted in Toronto or Oxford or Scandinavia, and a vision of a Trumpian America suffering economic punishment as its walls rise higher and the rest of the world prospers through mutual exchange – without the US. Both conceits are fundamental misreadings of the global situation, which the foreign leaders who have bowed to Trump's demands seem to understand clearly. The first thing they understand is that American economic power is just too big to escape or isolate or ignore. Before Trump's 2024 victory, the economic story was one in which American growth was clearly pulling away from our peer economies in Europe and East Asia. Since Trump's return to power, even protectionist policy that almost every economist deplores hasn't prevented the American sharemarket from rising and the American growth machine from churning onwards. Loading Even if Trump reverts to deeper folly and causes a recession, the forces favouring the US over Germany or Britain or South Korea or Japan will still be present in the next administration and beyond. Almost all of America's liberal-democratic peers are poorer than it is and too sclerotic to suddenly surge past it. There is just no booming, youthful, dynamic, entrepreneurial zone capable of taking the place of America in a network of free economies, and therefore no substitute for trade with its companies and access to its markets, even at a Trumpian price. There is, of course, China, which is strong enough to stand up to Trump's bullying and dynamic enough to stand as a counterweight to American economic might. But unless your country is already authoritarian – and not necessarily even then – the risks of throwing yourself fully into China's orbit are still much more extreme than the costs of managing a populist administration in Washington. This doesn't mean other countries won't end up trading more with China because of American protectionism. But there is no plausible world where China simply replaces the US as a trusted partner and pillar of globalisation. Here the economic story links up with the political one. If it's implausible to imagine a network of European and Asian economies prospering without the American leviathan, it's even less plausible to imagine some kind of liberal world order reconstituting itself separately from the US.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store