Children of non-local talent can apply for subsidised university places only after 2-year residency in Hong Kong
According to a government statement on Thursday, as a transitional arrangement, the residency requirement will be set at one year for the 2027-28 academic year, while the two-year requirement will be implemented starting from the 2028-29 academic year.
Currently, a dependant visa or entry permit holder who was under 18 when first issued such a visa or permit is considered a local student and, therefore, can enjoy subsidised tuition fees at Hong Kong's public universities.
A government spokesperson cited long-standing concerns that some students did not live in Hong Kong but applied for government-subsidised student places at universities funded by the University Grants Committee.
'To clarify the eligibility criteria for government-subsidised post-secondary student places and subsidies, and to ensure the proper use of public funds, the Education Bureau… considers it necessary for dependant children to reside in Hong Kong for two years before becoming eligible for government-subsidised post-secondary student places,' the spokesperson said in the statement.
Under the new rule, to be eligible for local tuition fees, an applicant is required to provide proof that they are enrolled as a full-time student in a school offering a formal curriculum in Hong Kong for the two-year period ending on May 31 in the year in which their respective programme begins.
Alternatively, they can obtain a record from the Immigration Department showing that they have not been absent from the city for a maximum of 90 days in each year of the two-year period.
In addition, holders of full-time employment visas or entry permits for various admission schemes will no longer be eligible for government-subsidised post-secondary student places.
Secretary for Education Christine Choi said in January that the government was reviewing the definition of 'local students' in tertiary education.
The announcement came after the government issued hundreds of thousands of work visas.
Expanded schemes
Hong Kong introduced a new talent scheme, called the Top Talent Pass Scheme (TTPS), in late 2022 and also expanded various existing immigration programmes to attract talent to the city, following a wave of emigration from the city.
With a lower threshold than other programmes, the TTPS contributes to a major share of work visas in Hong Kong.
As of December 2024, the Immigration Department had approved over 270,000 work visas under various schemes over the past two years. One-third of them – or more than 90,000 visas – were TTPS visas.
Three-quarters of the overall work visa holders were from mainland China, official figures showed. Under the TTPS, the share of mainland Chinese was much higher: a whopping 95 per cent.
TTPS visa holders can apply for dependant visas for their spouses or unmarried children under 18 years old.
A group of Hong Kong parents signed an online petition last year urging the government to review the definition of 'local students,' saying that some students did not even live in Hong Kong before applying for government-subsidised university places, local media reported.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
RTHK
2 hours ago
- RTHK
'HK and Macau to leverage collaborative strength'
'HK and Macau to leverage collaborative strength' John Lee led a delegation to Macau to meet his counterpart Sam Hou-fai. Photo courtesy of Information Services Department Chief Executive John Lee emphasised the crucial roles of the Hong Kong and Macau SARs within the Greater Bay Area during an official visit to Macau on Tuesday. Leading a high-level delegation, Lee met with Macau Chief Executive Sam Hou-fai. In a statement following the meeting, Lee said the two SARs will continue to harness their collaborative strengths across key sectors including the economy, cross-boundary infrastructure, tourism and culture. He said both Hong Kong and Macau are integral parts of the Greater Bay Area and will continue to promote its development. The Hong Kong delegation visited the Guangdong-Macau In-depth Cooperation Zone in Hengqin during the visit. Lee highlighted the strategic significance of the cooperation zone, describing it as a key initiative designed to enrich the practice of One Country, Two Systems, fostering Macau's long-term prosperity, stability and integration into national development plans. The delegation also toured a Chinese medicine centre there to learn about the integration of traditional Chinese medicine and the cultural tourism industry. The group also visited the Guangdong-Macau In-depth Cooperation Zone in Hengqin Planning Exhibition Hall that features more than 600 exhibits on new products and technologies. The Hong Kong delegation included Financial Secretary Paul Chan, Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Erick Tsang, Secretary for Health Lo Chung-mau, Secretary for Transport and Logistics Mable Chan and director of the Chief Executive's Office Carol Yip. Lee and the officials returned to Hong Kong later in the day.
HKFP
6 hours ago
- HKFP
Far-right German lawmaker's ex-aide on trial for spying for China
A German court will on Tuesday launch the trial of two suspected spies for China, one of whom worked as an assistant to the far-right lawmaker Maximilian Krah. The German national, partially identified as Jian G., allegedly worked for Chinese intelligence from 2002, including while he was an aide to the Alternative for Germany (AfD) MEP Krah between 2019 and 2024. Jian G. is accused by prosecutors in Dresden of using that position to pass on information about debates and decisions at the European Parliament, as well as some documents deemed highly sensitive. He is also suspected of being the handler for a second alleged operative, Chinese national Yaqi X., who is accused of spying on elements of the German arms industry. Jian G. is also suspected of gathering intelligence on leading AfD politicians and spying on Chinese dissidents in Germany. This included posing as an opponent of the Chinese government on social media in order to gain contacts in the opposition scene. The second defendant, Yaqi X., worked at a company which provided Leipzig airport with logistics services and is accused of helping Jian G. access information on flights and passengers. The information she passed on focused on flights transporting defence equipment and 'people with links to a German arms company'. According to German media reports, she particularly targeted arms giant Rheinmetall, which is involved in making Leopard tanks and which uses Leipzig airport for cargo flights. AfD 'power struggle' Both defendants have been in detention since they were arrested last year. The trial could be particularly embarrassing for the AfD if it leads to the information Jian G. collected on the party becoming public. According to news weekly Der Spiegel, investigators have seized records that Jian G. kept of conversations with Krah and other AfD politicians in which they discussed the private life of party co-leader Alice Weidel and alleged power struggles with her colleague Tino Chrupalla. Krah denied to the magazine ever having discussed such matters with Jian G. Krah was the AfD's top candidate in last year's European elections, but was excluded from its delegation after comments in which he minimised the crimes of the Nazis' notorious SS. However, he was welcomed back into the AfD fold for this year's German general election and now sits as one of the party's MPs in the Bundestag. The trial is expected to last until the end of September and Krah himself has been called to appear as a witness. Krah is also being investigated by prosecutors in Dresden on suspicion of money laundering and corruption during his time as a member of the European Parliament. According to Der Spiegel, between 2019 and 2023 he received more than 50,000 euros (US$57,900) in payments from firms linked to Jian G. Krah denies all wrongdoing and says the accusations against him are 'politically motivated'.
AllAfrica
10 hours ago
- AllAfrica
Why Trump shouldn't attend Xi's 'Victory Day' parade
As rumors swirl about President Donald Trump possibly attending China's 'Victory Day' parade this September, it's worth sounding an alarm. Such a visit to Beijing would be a strategic blunder that undermines Washington's Indo-Pacific posture, undercuts American allies and sends a troubling message to the wider world. On its face, this kind of diplomatic invitation may be tempting at this delicate juncture in bilateral relations. Trump has long shown an affinity for grand displays of military prowess, high-stakes diplomacy and face-to-face theatrics. A handshake with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in front of goose-stepping soldiers might make for dramatic television. If Beijing officials dangle the promise of a new trade agreement, it might even be a transactional win. But the costs would far outweigh the optics. First, there is the history and symbolism of Victory Day itself. China's September 3 commemoration is not merely a celebration of the end of World War II. It's a well-worn anti-Japanese ritual. While framed as a tribute to China's role in defeating fascism, the parade often serves as a thinly veiled nationalist spectacle aimed at disparaging modern Japan and legitimizing the Communist Party's historical narrative. This is not to suggest that Japan's actions during World War II were innocent or justified — far from it. But China's Victory Day parade is more about nationalist messaging and historical revisionism than sober remembrance, and ultimately aims to serve Beijing's current strategic goals. The irony is that most of the conventional resistance to Japan came not from Mao Zedong's Communist forces, but from Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist army — the same Nationalists who later fled to Taiwan. By standing alongside Xi and possibly even Russian President Vladimir Putin, Trump would risk endorsing this misleading version of history. That, in turn, would alienate two of America's strategic partners in East Asia, namely Japan and Taiwan. Taiwan, in particular, would have reason to feel betrayed. Its very identity is rooted in the struggle against the same Chinese Communist Party that now seeks to erase its role, and seemingly its existence, from the annals of history. South Korea, too, would draw the wrong conclusions. Lee Jae-myung, the left-leaning president, has reportedly decided not to attend the same ceremony as a quiet signal of the importance of maintaining his country's alignment with Washington. Trump's presence could undercut this calculation, emboldening voices within Seoul that favor a tilt toward Beijing. It would surely sow confusion among American allies in East Asia at a time when Washington is demanding their deeper support for its Indo-Pacific strategy to counter China. There is also precedent to consider. In 2015, then-President Park Geun-hye of South Korea attended the same parade as the only US ally to do so. While she sought to strike a delicate diplomatic balance, the visit spectacularly backfired. Her decision raised significant eyebrows in Washington and Tokyo, and the political backlash at home was even greater. To this day, her appearance standing between Putin and Xi atop Tiananmen Tower is remembered not as a diplomatic gambit but as a major miscalculation. The stakes in 2025 are even higher. The world is witnessing the most dangerous moment for the global order since the end of the Cold War. China is waging an economic war against the West and flirting with military adventurism in the Taiwan Strait. Russia, meanwhile, remains entrenched in a war of aggression in Ukraine. For Trump to attend a parade that implicitly legitimizes both of these regimes would hand Beijing and Moscow a propaganda victory. Even more troubling is the message it would send about America's military posture in the Indo-Pacific. Chinese military parades prominently feature missiles and weapons systems explicitly designed to threaten US bases, forces and partners, including in Guam, Japan and Taiwan. Trump's attendance at the celebration could be interpreted as tacit approval of Beijing's growing ambitions and invite serious doubt about Washington's security resolve. There is also the potential domestic political cost. Trump built his election campaign on confronting China, restoring American strength, and putting 'America First.' Attending a parade that glorifies communist China's military might would hand his critics a damning visual contradiction. To national security conservatives and China hawks, it could look like a compromise of the very principles Trump claims to represent and defend. It would likewise undercut the recent efforts of Republican foreign policy voices such as Elbridge Colby and Brian Mast, who have been urging America's East Asian allies to take on a more assertive role in Washington's broader efforts to counterbalance China. Trump would thus be well advised to stay home on September 3. Kenji Yoshida is a Seoul-based correspondent for JAPAN Forward
