
Why Johns Hopkins, the top-funded US university, is now losing billions in research aid
Johns Hopkins University, the top recipient of federal research funding in the United States, is facing an unprecedented financial crisis as the Trump administration aggressively cuts billions in aid flowing to American higher education institutions.
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While not directly named in official government actions, Johns Hopkins is reeling from a political wave aimed at defunding universities that conservatives claim have become ideologically biased and fiscally bloated.
The institution, which receives roughly $4.2 billion annually in federal research support, has already lost $800 million in funding and laid off over 2,000 employees. According to The New York Times, these cuts have impacted both international and domestic research, jeopardizing critical public health and scientific projects worldwide.
The political rationale behind the cuts
The Trump administration has framed the move as a response to what it calls the ideological drift of elite universities. As reported by The New York Times, administration officials argue that major research institutions have evolved into "bastions of leftism hostile to conservative thought," using taxpayer money to promote what they label as radical agendas. Russell T. Vought, Director of the Office of Management and Budget, stated that current government spending was "contrary to the needs of ordinary working Americans" and too heavily tilted toward institutions aligned with gender and climate ideologies, which he called "antithetical to the American way of life.
"
This broad criticism has translated into sweeping budget proposals. A Trump-backed initiative could cut the National Institutes of Health (NIH) budget by nearly 40%, directly impacting Johns Hopkins, which received over $1 billion in NIH grants this year alone. The National Science Foundation and other federal bodies have also reduced or canceled grants—around 90 totaling $50 million, according to The New York Times.
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Massive losses in international and domestic programs
Johns Hopkins has long been a global leader in international health and development. But the US Agency for International Development, which had partnered closely with the university, saw its funding gutted. The school lost 2,200 jobs, including 250 in the US. Programs to prevent cervical cancer in Madagascar, diagnose tuberculosis in Uganda, and build healthcare systems in Bangladesh were either paused or terminated.
Domestically, the impact is equally severe. Canceled NIH grants had supported projects to reduce HIV among transgender women, enhance STEM education for autistic high schoolers, and improve Covid vaccination rates among low-income Latino populations.
Endowment, overhead, and local impact under pressure
Despite having a $13 billion endowment, Johns Hopkins officials argue that those funds are largely restricted and cannot fill the gap.
Still, under current proposals, the university may face a 7% tax on endowment income under the House plan, or 4% under the Senate version. Ronald J. Daniels, president of Johns Hopkins, has expressed concern that such taxes would undermine student financial aid—especially generous donations like the $1.8 billion gift from Michael Bloomberg.
In addition, proposed federal reductions to indirect cost reimbursements—funds that help cover lab space, staff, and infrastructure—could drain another $300 million from the university. As
The New York Times
reported, the Heritage Foundation called these reimbursements a way universities "bilk taxpayers."
A threat to America"s research leadership
Faculty members have warned that the disruption could unravel decades of scientific progress. "We had these shining institutions that contributed so much to human knowledge, and there are explicit steps being taken to undermine them," said physics professor N. Peter Armitage, as quoted by
The New York Times
.
Beyond the university, the consequences are rippling through Baltimore. The school has spent more than $1 billion on local business partnerships since 2016. Alicia Wilson, vice president for civic engagement, told
The New York Times
, "As goes Hopkins, so goes Baltimore."
Daniels, who once warned in his 2021 book What Universities Owe Democracy that authoritarian regimes often target universities, has acknowledged the institution must adapt. In a campus-wide message, he revealed that new federal awards were down by nearly two-thirds and announced hiring freezes, delayed raises, and construction pauses.
Even with its storied past and groundbreaking achievements in science and medicine, Johns Hopkins now stands as a symbol of what is at stake in a national shift away from funding academic research.
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Time of India
14 minutes ago
- Time of India
White House seethes as sculpture shows Trump dancing with Epstein - who are the artists?
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Indian Express
16 minutes ago
- Indian Express
How the US helped oust Iran's government in 1953 and reinstate the Shah
When US missiles struck Iran's key nuclear facilities on June 22, history seemed to repeat itself. Seventy-two years ago, a covert CIA operation toppled Iran's democratically elected government. Now, as American rhetoric drifts once more toward regime change, the ghosts of 1953 are stirring again. The coordinated US air and missile strike, codenamed Operation Midnight Hammer, targeted three of Iran's principal nuclear sites: Fordow, Natanz, and the Isfahan Nuclear Technology Center. The attack immediately reignited fears of a broader war in the Middle East. In the hours that followed, US President Donald Trump posted on Truth Social: 'It's not politically correct to use the term 'Regime Change. But if the current Iranian Regime is unable to MAKE IRAN GREAT AGAIN, why wouldn't there be a Regime change??? MIGA!!!' Though officials in Washington, including Vice President JD Vance, rushed to clarify that regime change was not formal policy, many in Iran heard echoes from 1953, when the US and UK orchestrated the overthrow of Iran's democratically elected prime minister, Mohammad Mossadegh. After being appointed as the prime minister of Iran in 1951, Mossadegh moved to nationalise the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, then controlled by the British, who had long funneled Iranian oil profits to London. 'He ended a long period of British hegemony in Iran… and set the stage for several decades of rapid economic growth fueled by oil revenues,' wrote Mark Gasiorowski, a historian at Tulane University, in an essay for the volume The Middle East and the United States: History, Politics, and Ideologies (2018). 'He also tried to democratise Iran's political system by reducing the powers of the shah and the traditional upper class.' Mossadegh argued that Iran, like any sovereign state, deserved control over its resources. Appearing before the International Court of Justice in 1952, he laid out Iran's case: 'The decision to nationalise the oil industry is the result of the political will of an independent and free nation,' he said. 'For us Iranians, the uneasiness of stopping any kind of action which is seen as interference in our national affairs is more intense than for other nations.' Britain saw the nationalisation as both a strategic and economic threat. It imposed a blockade and led a global oil boycott, while pressuring Washington to intervene. The British adopted a three-track strategy: a failed negotiation effort, a global boycott of Iranian oil and covert efforts to undermine and overthrow Mossadegh, writes Gasiorowski . British intelligence operatives had built ties with 'politicians, businessmen, military officers and clerical leaders' in anticipation of a coup. Initially, the Truman administration resisted intervention. But President Dwight D Eisenhower's election ushered in a more aggressive Cold War posture. 'Under the Truman administration, these boundaries [of acceptable Iranian politics] were drawn rather broadly,' Gasiorowski wrote. 'But when Eisenhower entered office, the more stridently anti-Communist views of his foreign policy advisers led the US to drop its support for Mossadegh and take steps to overthrow him.' Fear of communism's spread, particularly via Iran's Tudeh Party, believed to be the first organised Communist party in the Middle East. 'Although they did not regard Mossadegh as a Communist,' Gasiorowski wrote, 'they believed conditions in Iran would probably continue to deteriorate… strengthening the Tudeh Party and perhaps enabling it to seize power.' While Britain lobbied for a coup, Mossadegh appealed directly to Eisenhower. Eisenhower, in a letter in June 1953, offered sympathy but warned that aid was unlikely so long as Iran withheld oil: 'There is a strong feeling… that it would not be fair to the American taxpayers for the United States Government to extend any considerable amount of economic aid to Iran so long as Iran could have access to funds derived from the sale of its oil.' Mossadegh's response was blunt. He accused Britain of sabotaging Iran's economy through 'propaganda and diplomacy,' and warned that inaction could carry lasting consequences: 'If prompt and effective aid is not given to this country now, any steps that might be taken tomorrow… might well be too late,' he wrote. Weeks later, in August 1953, the CIA and Britain's MI6 launched a covert operation to oust Mossadegh and restore the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, to power. 'A decision was made to develop and carry out a plan to overthrow Mussadiq and install Zahedi as prime minister,' Gasiorowski wrote. 'The operation was to be led by Kermit Roosevelt, who headed the CIA's Middle East operations division.' The mission, code-named Operation Ajax, used anti-Mossadegh propaganda, bribes, and orchestrated street unrest. After an initial failure and the Shah's brief exile, loyalist military units staged a successful coup on August 19. Mossadegh was arrested, tried, and placed under house arrest until his death in 1967. In 2013, the CIA officially acknowledged its role, releasing declassified documents that described the coup as 'an act of U.S. foreign policy, conceived and approved at the highest levels of government.' In Iran, schoolchildren learn about the 1953 coup in classrooms. State media airs annual retrospectives on Mossadegh's downfall. His name recurs in graffiti, political speeches, and university lectures. In his book The Coup: 1953, the CIA, and the Roots of Modern U.S.-Iranian Relations, the historian Ervand Abrahamian called the operation 'a defining fault line not only for Iranian history but also in the country's relations with both Britain and the United States.' It 'carved in public memory a clear dividing line — 'before' and 'after' — that still shapes the country's political culture,' he wrote. While Cold War defenders portrayed the coup as a check on communism, Abrahamian sees oil and empire as the true motivators. 'The main concern was not so much about communism as about the dangerous repercussions that oil nationalisation could have throughout the world,' he argues. Following the coup, the Shah ruled with increasing autocracy, supported by the US and bolstered by SAVAK (Sazeman-e Ettela'at va Amniyat-e Keshvar), a secret police trained by the CIA. Decades of repression, inequality, and corruption gave way to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, which toppled the monarchy and established the Islamic Republic. 'The strategic considerations that led US policymakers to undertake the 1953 coup helped set in motion a chain of events that later destroyed the Shah's regime and created severe problems for US interests,' wrote Gasiorowski. On November 4, 1979, the US Embassy in Tehran was seized. Fifty-two Americans were held hostage for 444 days. Revolutionaries repeatedly cited 1953 as the origin of their mistrust. Though Washington denied involvement for decades, few Iranians ever doubted the CIA's role in Mossadegh's fall. 'The coup revealed how the United States began almost instinctively to follow in the footsteps of British imperialism,' write David W Lesch and Mark L Haas editors of The Middle East and the United States: History, Politics, and Ideologies . 'Demonstrating a preference for the status quo rather than the forces of change.' Even President Barack Obama, in a 2009 speech in Cairo, acknowledged the long shadow of 1953, noting that the coup had created 'years of mistrust.' No US president has ever issued a formal apology. Dr Omair Anas, director of research at the Centre for Studies of Plural Societies, a non-profit, non-partisan, independent institution dedicated to democratising knowledge, sees the 1953 events as not just a turning point but a template for today's impasse. 'The 1953 coup was staged in the backdrop of the Cold War which resulted in Iran's inclusion into the CENTO alliance along with Pakistan and Turkiye,' he said. He is sharply critical of current regime change rhetoric, describing it as detached from Iran's internal political conditions. 'The most important player is Iran's domestic politics,' he said. 'At this stage, it is not willing and prepared for a regime change.' Anas points out that the government has already absorbed considerable dissent: 'Previous anti-hijab protests have already accommodated many anti-regime voices and sentiments.' But absorbing discontent, he suggests, is not the same as welcoming systemic change. 'Any regime change at this stage would immediately lead the country to chaos and possible civil war, as the new regime won't be able to de-Islamise the state in the near future.' Trump's rhetoric, therefore, landed with particular resonance. While senior officials have attempted to distance the administration from talk of regime change, many in Iran and beyond see a familiar playbook: pressure, provocation, and the threat of externally imposed political outcomes. Dr Anas contends that many of the so-called alternatives to the Islamic Republic are politically inert. 'Anti-regime forces since 1979 have lost much ground and haven't been able to stage a major threat to the revolution,' he said. 'The West is fully aware that the Pahlavi dynasty or the Mujahidin-e-Khalq (MEK) have the least popularity and organisational presence to replace the Khamenei-led regime of Islamic revolution.' As he sees it, the system's survival is not merely a matter of repression but of strategic logic. 'Khamenei can only be replaced by someone like him,' he said. 'The continuity of the Islamic revolution of Iran remains more preferable than any other disruptive replacement.' He also warns that a forced collapse of the current order could have serious regional implications. 'In the case of violent suppression of Islamist forces, the new Iranian state might seek the revival of the Cold War collaboration with Pakistan and Turkiye and a strong push against Russia.' For India, a country that has generally maintained a policy of non-intervention, such a development could be deeply destabilising. 'Any abrupt change would complicate India's West Asia and South Asia strategic calculus,' he said, 'and more fundamentally India's Pakistan strategy.' Dr Anas also sees Western credibility as severely eroded across the region. 'The West has left no credibility whatsoever about human rights, freedom, and democracy after the Israeli-Gaza war,' he said. 'The Middle Eastern public opinion, including that of Kurds, Druze and Afghans, have lost hope in Western promises. They prefer any autocratic regime to West-backed regimes.' India, he said, risks being caught flat-footed if political transitions come suddenly. 'India generally stays away from the normative politics of the Middle East,' he said. 'While this shows India's principled stand on no intervention in internal politics, it also puts India in a weak position once the regime changes, as happened in Syria.' His recommendation? 'India needs to engage more actively with West Asian civil society to have more balanced relations beyond states.' Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More
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Business Standard
22 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Iran rules out US talks, vows revenge, suspends UN nuclear oversight
Iran has ruled out plans to meet with the United States, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in an interview on state television on Thursday, directly contradicting US President Donald Trump's claim that talks were scheduled for next week, The Times of Israel reported. Araghchi stated that Tehran was still evaluating whether engaging in renewed talks with Washington served the nation's interests. He recalled that five previous rounds of negotiations were cut short following attacks on Iran's nuclear facilities by Israel and subsequently the United States. While Washington and Jerusalem said the strikes aimed to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons, Tehran insists its programme is strictly for civilian use. However, Iran's uranium enrichment to 60 percent is widely recognised as suitable only for weapons. Jerusalem claims to have intelligence that Tehran was actively pursuing a nuclear bomb. Araghchi described the damage from the recent 12-day conflict with Israel as "serious," adding that assessments were underway. "A detailed assessment of the damage is being carried out by experts from the Atomic Energy Organization," he said. "Now, the discussion of demanding damages and the necessity of providing them has been placed as one of the important issues on the country's diplomatic agenda," he added. "These damages are serious, and expert studies and political decision-making are underway at the same time." Meanwhile, Iranian lawmakers passed a "binding" bill to suspend cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog. Araghchi confirmed that the bill had been passed by the legislature and approved by the top vetting body. "From now on, our relationship and cooperation with the agency will take a new form," he said. In a speech on Thursday, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei called the outcome of the conflict a "victory" for Iran, stating the country would never succumb to US pressure, and that Washington had been dealt a humiliating "slap," The Times of Israel reported. "The American president exaggerated events in unusual ways, and it turned out that he needed this exaggeration," Khamenei said. He dismissed claims that the strikes had significantly damaged Iran's nuclear infrastructure. Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem also hailed what he called Iran's victory, claiming it had proven its ability to stand alone against the United States and Israel. Hezbollah, still reeling from the 2023-2024 war it began with Israel, stayed out of the 12-day conflict after warnings from Lebanon's government. "We in Lebanon, as Hezbollah, support the independent capabilities of Iran, and we resist Israel and the American hegemony," Qassem said. He added that the US and Israel had failed in their objectives to stop Iran's uranium enrichment and missile programme, or to topple the regime. The United States, however, maintained that its strikes were effective. President Trump said American B-2 bombers had "obliterated" key Iranian nuclear sites, including the underground Fordo enrichment facility. While some reports suggested Iran might have moved 400 kilograms of enriched uranium ahead of the strikes, Trump rejected this on Truth Social: "Nothing was taken out... too dangerous, and very heavy and hard to move!" He added that trucks seen in satellite images before the strikes were part of efforts to shield the facility with concrete. The Times of Israel also noted that a leaked classified US assessment suggested the damage may only delay Iran's nuclear programme by a few months, though this was contested by senior US officials. CIA Director John Ratcliffe said several nuclear facilities would need to be rebuilt over years. Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth said the US had used GBU-57 bunker-buster bombs and Tomahawk missiles, asserting, "President Trump created the conditions to end the war, decimating -- choose your word -- obliterating, destroying Iran's nuclear capabilities." In retaliation, Iran launched over 500 ballistic missiles and nearly 1,000 drones at Israel, killing 28 people and injuring thousands, according to Israeli health authorities. The strikes hit residential buildings, universities, and a hospital. Iran also targeted a US base in Qatar, which Qatar reported was intercepted. Israel has defended the campaign as necessary to prevent Iran from carrying out its threat to destroy the Jewish state. French President Emmanuel Macron said the strikes were "genuinely effective," while warning that Tehran's potential withdrawal from the global non-proliferation treaty could be the "worst-case scenario.