Germany halts Afghan refugee admission flights pending new government decision
BERLIN, - Germany's outgoing government has suspended flights for voluntary admissions of Afghan refugees for two weeks pending a decision by the next government on how to proceed, the foreign ministry said on Wednesday.
Earlier this month, the future governing coalition of conservatives and Social Democrats agreed to curb irregular migration, reflecting a mounting public backlash after several violent attacks by migrants as well as increasing pressure on housing and other infrastructure.
After the Western allies' hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, Germany felt a strong obligation to protect former local staff of German agencies and humanitarian organisations there, and established several programmes to resettle them along with particularly vulnerable Afghans.
According to the Federal Foreign Office, a total of 36,000 people have entered Germany under such voluntary programmes, including a good 20,000 who were local staff and their families.
Around 2,600 people approved for admission by Germany's Federal Office for Migration and Refugees are currently waiting in Pakistan for a German visa and charter flights, 350 of whom are former local employees, the foreign office added.
In addition to receiving admission approval, applicants must complete a visa process and security screening involving the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the Federal Police, and the Federal Criminal Police Office.
The current Greens-led foreign ministry said that existing admission confirmations were legally binding and could only be revoked under specific conditions. This meant it could be difficult for the new government to cancel them regardless of who takes over the interior or foreign ministries.
Germany's outgoing government arranged several resettlement flights in recent weeks, drawing criticism from conservative politicians who argued that the SPD-Greens coalition was rushing to admit new arrivals before it hands over.
"For several weeks now, we've been seeing planes arrive in Germany on a daily basis. I believe that's wrong. It creates the impression that an outgoing federal government is trying to establish facts on the ground in its final days," Thorsten Frei, a parliamentary leader of the conservative bloc, said.
ProAsyl, a German NGO providing legal help to asylum seekers, warned that halting the final rescue flights would leave vulnerable Afghans at risk of torture or death if returned to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan.
"The German government itself has determined their endangerment ... A return or deportation to Afghanistan could mean torture or even death for them," said Wiebke Judith, ProAsyl legal policy spokesperson.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)
Business Standard
an hour ago
- Business Standard
All-party delegation led by BJP MP Ravi Shankar Prasad back from Europe
During their Europe tour, the delegation held key meetings with government officials, parliamentarians, and think-tanks in countries including Germany ANI The all-party delegation led by BJP MP Ravi Shankar Prasad returned to India on Sunday after a diplomatic tour of several European nations. The delegation arrived at airport in the national capital following a multi-nation visit aimed at strengthening India's ties with European partners. Speaking to the media upon arrival, Prasad said, "It feels great to be back in India. Our delegation visited France, Italy, Denmark, England, Brussels and Germany. We met senior leaders of the Parliament, think-tank and the Indian community. The foreign nations have a lot of anger over the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, and all the nations have condemned this. We went to the European Parliament as well. The Indian community was very excited to meet us. A new relationship is going to be established between India and Europe. It was a very satisfying visit..." The recent visit by the all-party Group-2 delegation, led by BJP MP Prasad, took place amid growing international concern over terror attacks, notably the Pahalgam incident in Jammu and Kashmir, which has drawn widespread condemnation from global partners. During their Europe tour, the delegation held key meetings with government officials, parliamentarians, and think-tanks in countries including Germany. In Germany, they conveyed India's firm stance of 'Zero-Tolerance against Terrorism' and outlined strategies to combat cross-border terrorism, emphasizing the gravity of the Pahalgam attack, as highlighted in a statement from the Indian Embassy in Germany. The delegation also engaged with the Indian diaspora to strengthen support and build closer ties between India and Europe. "During its first day of engagements in Berlin, the All-Party Parliamentary Delegation, led by Shri Ravi Shankar Prasad, Hon'ble Member of Parliament & former Union Minister, met with senior representatives from German Government, Parliament (Bundestag) and Think-Tanks to convey India's principled position of 'Zero-Tolerance against Terrorism' and its strategy to tackle cross-border terrorism, especially in light of the dastardly terror attack in Pahalgam, Jammu & Kashmir. The delegation also briefed the German counterparts and interlocutors about Operation Sindoor - India's firm, precise, targeted and non-escalatory response to the terror attack", a statement said. As per the statement, the delegation called on Johann Wadephul, Foreign Minister of Federal Republic of Germany. Recalling his recent interaction with Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar, Wadephul reiterated Germany's strong support for India's fight against terrorism and the right of every nation to defend itself from such terror attacks. The statement observed that the delegation deeply appreciated Germany's strong condemnation of the Pahalgam terror attack and expression of solidarity with India. The delegation also emphasized the need to hold the perpetrators of terrorist acts accountable and called for multi-lateral cooperation in this regard. The delegation called on Omid Nouripour, Vice President of the German Parliament (Bundestag) and outlined the three salient features of India's policy in dealing with terrorism- Zero tolerance, not giving in to nuclear blackmail and resolving the issues with Pakistan bilaterally. The delegation emphasised that terrorism is a global threat and must be met with a unified international response. The delegation also met with Armin Laschet, Chairman of Foreign Affairs Committee of Bundestag, Ralph Brinkhaus, Member of Bundestag (MdB) and Hubertus Heil, MdB. The delegation conveyed their appreciation for prompt expression of condolences for victims of the Pahalgam terror attack by Germany's top political leadership. They highlighted that the attack was designed to disrupt the booming tourism economy of Jammu & Kashmir and to sow seeds of communal tension in India, as per the official statement. It further observed that during their interaction, the delegation emphasised that Operation Sindoor received support from across the spectrum in India and conveyed India's united stance against terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. The delegation interacted with senior members of German Parliament (Bundestag) active in the fields of foreign policy and international affairs and a leading think-tank in Germany, the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS). Ending the day's engagements, the delegation also had an interaction with representatives from leading German think-tanks and eminent personalities at a reception hosted by Ambassador of India to Germany, Ajit Gupte, the statement read. Notably, during the interactions, the delegation highlighted the measured, precise, responsible and non-escalatory nature of the steps taken by India in response to the terrorist attack. They emphasised that nuclear blackmail should not be allowed as a cover for terrorism and discussed India's strategy against cross-border terrorism in future. German interlocutors expressed support for India's stance, with a shared recognition of the urgent need for the international community to come together in the fight against terrorism. Both sides also discussed India-Germany cooperation in the field of Defence, Security and Counter-Terrorism as part of the deepening Strategic Partnership between the two countries. (Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)
Mint
2 hours ago
- Mint
China is benefiting from the hell in Myanmar
In March a 7.7 magnitude earthquake hit Myanmar, in which 3,740 people died. And yet the earthquake is not the main humanitarian crisis in that troubled country. Since Myanmar's military junta brutally took control in a coup in 2021, nearly 10,000 civilians have been killed. The UN estimates 3m have been displaced and over 2m are on the brink of famine. The economy has shrunk by a fifth, and is estimated to be around half the size of its pre-coup trajectory. All this has made Myanmar a hub of lawlessness in Asia. Illicit drug production, human-trafficking and a huge scam industry are booming. Much of the world has paid scant attention to Myanmar since the coup. Western countries, which did the most to encourage democracy there in the decade up to 2021, have been consumed with crises in Ukraine and Gaza. But China has not lost focus. It has taken advantage of the chaos next door to steal a march on its geopolitical rivals. Engaging both the junta and its opponents, China works to protect its varied interests in the country: ensuring stability along its border and along the lengthy trade routes leading to the Indian Ocean; protecting Chinese investments in the country; shutting down scam centres targeting Chinese citizens; and, above all, limiting Western influence. China's strategy has been a stunning success. Both the junta and resistance groups started out hostile to Chinese influence. But neither dares cross their larger neighbour now. Its control of trade in arms and other illicit goods puts it in a decisive position. One Chinese investment in particular illustrates the point. A 2,500km (1,500-mile) oil-and-gas pipeline begins on Myanmar's south-western coast and runs through a cross-section of the conflict to Kunming, the capital of China's south-western province of Yunnan (see map). Yet it remains entirely unmolested, with groups on both sides careful to avoid damaging it. Those fighting the junta are a ragtag group. Young people who survived attacks on counter-coup protests fled to the country's mountainous borderlands. They were trained and armed there by ethnic-minority armies, which have fought the government on-and-off for decades. Those new resistance fighters, who are mostly made up of the Bamar, the majority ethnic group, returned to the arid centre of the country known as the 'dry zone". They now challenge the junta in its own backyard by attacking its convoys and operating their own schools and clinics. The junta responds through air strikes and search-and-destroy missions that often lead to the torture and execution of civilians. The insurgents have been joined by many of the ethnic armies based along the country's periphery. These can be divided into two camps. Some, like those along the Thai and Indian borders, have long looked to the West and tend to be more supportive of the Spring Revolution, as the hotchpotch of those resisting the military rule call their movement. Their own offensives have taken significant territory off the military. Other ethnic militias, including most groups along the Chinese border, have closer ties to China. Several have historical links with China's Communist Party, having emerged in 1989 from the Burmese Communist Party. They share an impatience with democracy and the West. Brothers in arms The first camp was quick to support the revolution, but their progress was slow. Those groups closer to China remained aloof from the fight at first, observing ceasefires with the junta. Then, in October 2023, a coalition of these China-linked groups known as the Three Brotherhood Alliance launched a surprise attack on junta positions in Shan State in the east, and a few weeks later, in Rakhine State in the west. Within two months they had handed the army a string of defeats greater than any since the years immediately following independence from Britain in 1948. It is probable that the Brotherhood's offensive was approved by China, which wanted to clear out scam centres trafficking Chinese citizens and targeting Chinese victims. After the Brotherhood accomplished these goals, China quickly pushed the two sides to sign a truce. But in June 2024 the Brotherhood groups broke the truce. One successfully assaulted the city of Lashio in Shan state and the junta's Eastern Operations Command. Never before had such a large city or military base been seized by rebels. Another of the Brotherhood groups started down the road to Mandalay, stopping just outside the picturesque hill station above the city, where the military's service academies sit. Fearing that these lightning offensives might cause a demoralised military government to collapse, China cut off trade with the Brotherhood. It cut electricity and water, too, and kidnapped one of the group's leaders. With great reluctance, the Brotherhood relented. The offensives came to a halt, and in April Lashio was handed back to the military. The regime was spared a battle for Mandalay. China's greatest fear is that pro-democracy groups will come to power in Myanmar and turn it into a base of Western influence. To prevent such an outcome, it has empowered groups that align more closely with its vision of the world. And it has threatened to cut off those ethnic militias that train or equip pro-democracy groups without authorisation. By throttling their supply lines, China can keep pro-democracy revolutionaries from growing too powerful, while at the same time preserving some leverage over them. Myanmar's revolutionaries might be able to shrug off Chinese pressure if others were to provide more humanitarian assistance. But for much of the past four years Western countries' aid to pro-democracy groups has not met their needs. There has been no serious discussion of arming pro-Western groups. Humanitarian assistance is easier in legal terms, and would boost the groups by supporting their social role. But it has not been forthcoming: only 39% of the $1bn that the UN requested in humanitarian aid in 2024 was granted. With great difficulty, the United States' Congress appropriated $121m in additional cash for democratic groups. Instead of increasing this to compete with China for influence in Myanmar, the Trump administration's closure of USAID has curtailed it. What does China want to do with Myanmar? Over the past year China has pushed General Min Aung Hlaing, the junta chief, to hold an election at the end of 2025. Chinese diplomats hope that, following the vote, he will be elected president, shed his uniform and then hand over command of the army to a more reasonable figure who will push for peace. But an election held under the junta and without a ceasefire would be a sham. As great as China's influence is, it cannot compel General Min Aung Hlaing to give up power. It seems more likely that what China wants is a frozen conflict, giving it maximum leverage over all groups. Other approaches have been pondered. Thailand and India have backed the junta, and encouraged other countries to normalise relations with it. Thaksin Shinawatra, a tycoon and former Thai prime minister, has also led a drive to legitimise General Min Aung Hlaing, inviting him to summits at his grand hotel in Bangkok. These boosters ignore, however, the junta's parlous battlefield condition and the much greater levels of anger at the army than existed in earlier periods of army rule. Perhaps most promising is an effort tried out by Indonesia in 2023. That year its foreign minister at the time, Retno Marsudi, brought all four warring factions—the junta, the democratic resistance and both pro-democracy and China-friendly ethnic militias—to its capital for what are known as proximity talks. Each stayed at a different hotel, and Indonesian diplomats relayed messages between them. None of the groups was prepared to discuss the main matters then—and may not be willing to now, either. But if this war is to end at the negotiating table, it is a format that offers some chance of a resolution. © 2025, The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved. From The Economist, published under licence. The original content can be found on
India.com
2 hours ago
- India.com
India's close ally holds the world's largest gas reserves, faces sanctions from Western countries due to..., US, China are in no competition...
New Delhi: Venezuela has the largest crude oil reserves in the world. But do you know which country has the largest natural gas reserves in the world? The answer is Russia. In terms of area, Russia has natural gas reserves of 47,798 cubic kilometers. It is important to note that Russia has been engaged in a war Ukraine for several years. It also possesses vast crude oil reserves and, after the Ukraine war began, has emerged as the biggest supplier of oil to India. Russia has been facing a slew of sanctions from the Western countries after the Ukraine war. To counter these moves by the Western countries, including US, Russian President Vladimir Putin began selling crude oil to India and China at discounted rates. After Russia, Iran holds the second-largest natural gas reserves in the world, with 33,980 cubic kilometers. However, like Russia, Iran is also under US sanctions that restrict its ability to sell oil and gas. Iran also offers the cheapest petrol in the world. Following Iran, Qatar ranks third with 23,871 cubic kilometers of natural gas reserves. Qatar is the largest supplier of gas to India. Here's the complete list Russia: 47,798 cubic kilometers Iran: 33,980 cubic kilometers Qatar: 23,871 cubic kilometers Saudi Arabia: 15,910 cubic kilometers United States: 13,167 cubic kilometers Turkmenistan: 11,326 cubic kilometers), China (6,654 cubic kilometers), the UAE (6,088 cubic kilometers), Nigeria (5,748 cubic kilometers), Venezuela (5,663 cubic kilometers), Algeria (4,502 cubic kilometers), Iraq (3,788 cubic kilometers), and Australia (3,228 cubic kilometers).
