
Advocates press for accounting of sex-abuse cases in new pope's past jurisdictions
Now some advocates for victims say there needs to be an accounting of how Leo — the name taken by Cardinal Robert Prevost upon his election Thursday — handled such cases when he held positions of church authority in Chicago and Peru. And they hope that as pope, he will crack down on other bishops who they say are mishandling similar cases.
'Some might advise giving the new pontiff the benefit of the doubt. We disagree. It is on Pope Leo XIV to win the trust of victims and their families,' Anne Barrett Doyle of the advocacy group BishopAccountability.org said in a statement.
Some advocates, however, credit Prevost with supporting survivors of an abusive, Peru-based Catholic movement that was eventually dissolved by the late Pope Francis.
Prevost 'stood with us when others didn't. That's why his election matters,' said abuse survivor and journalist Predo Salinas, who helped found the group Ending Clergy Abuse.
To be clear, no one has accused the pope of any act of abuse himself. Nor is he accused of what many Catholic bishops worldwide have done — knowingly keeping confirmed abusers in public ministry — in what has been the defining scandal of the Catholic Church in recent decades.
Rather, he's been accused of falling short in his responses to cases in Chicago and Peru.
Survivors network filed complaint in March
The Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests filed a formal complaint on March 25 against then-Cardinal Prevost with the Vatican secretary of state, alleging he abused ecclesiastical power in his handling of two cases. The filing amounted to a formal call for an investigation under rules established by Pope Francis in 2023 for dealing with the hierarchy's handling of abuse cases.
One case involves the time when Prevost was based in Chicago as the Midwest regional leader of the Order of St. Augustine.
The case involved James Ray, then a priest in the Archdiocese of Chicago. The archdiocese placed him on restricted ministry in 1990 due to abuse allegations, according to a later report by the Illinois attorney general's office.
Bishops often imposed such restrictions — with varying levels of enforcement and typically without warning the public — until the explosive sex-abuse scandal exposed by the Boston Globe in 2002 in the Boston Archdiocese led to a nationwide policy of automatic removal from ministry.
According to the complaint, Ray — who was not an Augustinian — was allowed to live at an Augustinian friary in Chicago from 2000 to 2002.
The archdiocese, not the Augustinians, had ultimate responsibility for Ray as one of its priests, and there's no indication that anyone had a legal duty to inform neighbors that an accused abuser lived among them. But the complaint alleges that Prevost was aware of the arrangement, citing a 2000 internal archdiocesan memo, and should have informed the school.
'By doing so, Cardinal Prevost endangered the safety of the children,' the complaint said.
Ray was moved out of the friary in 2002 and eventually left the priesthood. Prevost became worldwide leader of the Augustinians later that year.
Second case arose during Prevost's time in Peru
The other case involves Prevost's tenure as bishop of Chiclayo, Peru.
In April 2022, three women came forward to accuse two priests — Eleuterio Vásquez Gonzales and Ricardo Yesquen — of sexually abusing them beginning in 2007, when they were minors, according to the complaint. The diocese, led by Prevost, forwarded information about the case to the Vatican office overseeing such complaints. It closed the case without a finding, though the diocese later reopened the investigation in 2023 after Prevost left for a Vatican post.
The complaint says the diocese suspended Gonzales from ministry pending investigation but that later photos allegedly showed him continuing to celebrate Mass publicly. It said the diocese reported that Yesquen was no longer in ministry due to his age and health.
According to the complaint, Prevost fell short because the diocese did not interview the women — depriving the Vatican investigators of potentially vital information — and failed to offer support to the accusers or to report the priests to civil authorities.
But according to news reports, the diocese said it followed the correct steps in investigating and that Prevost did meet with the women.
The Vatican investigation said Prevost acted correctly in imposing preliminary restrictions on Gonzales while Peruvian authorities conducted their own civil investigation, the typical way the church handles allegations that are also being investigated by secular authorities.
Nine days after Peruvian authorities closed the case because the statute of limitations expired, Prevost was publicly named to take over the Vatican's office for bishops, leaving the diocese. The Vatican's dicastery for the doctrine of the faith ultimately shelved the case, citing a lack of sufficient evidence to proceed with a canonical trial against Gonzales.
His role in confronting abuse in Catholic movement
Some hoped Prevost's intervention in a scandal involving the Sodalitium Christianae Vitae, a Catholic movement in Peru, was a sign of reforms to come. Salinas said in a statement that the new pope, then in his role as bishop of Chiclayo, played a pivotal role in confronting the case, which is considered one of the most egregious sex-abuse scandals in Latin America.
In a remarkable move, Pope Francis dissolved Sodalitium Christianae Vitae in January over alleged sexual and spiritual abuses and financial mismanagement.
'The world is waiting,' said Gemma Hickey, president of Ending Clergy Abuse. 'Let this pope be remembered not for the global abuse crisis he inherits, but for how he ends it.'
In 2023, when he took the Vatican job of overseeing the selection of bishops, Prevost told Vatican News that there has been progress in how some bishops have handled abuse but that more work is needed with 'bishops who have not received the necessary preparation' to deal with it.
He added: 'Silence is not the solution. We must be transparent and honest, we must accompany and assist the victims, because otherwise their wounds will never heal."
Francis had a mixed record on responding to the clergy sexual abuse crisis. Most notably in 2018, he bungled a major case in Chile before reversing course, ordering an investigation and apologizing to the victims. Ultimately, it became a turning point for how he handled cases of priests sexually abusing children for the rest of his papacy.
In its own statement, BishopAccountability.org also contended that unlike many dioceses and religious orders, Prevost never published a list of accused abusers under his supervision.
It also contended that no bishops were disciplined for mishandling abuse cases during his tenure in his most recent Vatican post.
___
Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP's collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.
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Reuters
6 hours ago
- Reuters
Polls close in Bolivia following steady turn out, few disruptions
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BreakingNews.ie
9 hours ago
- BreakingNews.ie
Elections in Bolivia expected to empower right-wing for first time in decades
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The Guardian
12 hours ago
- The Guardian
Democratic socialists think they're on a winning streak – can they build on Zohran Mamdani's victory?
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Amid the backdrop of a fraught national political stage, one in which traditional Democrats are struggling to connect with voters and a Donald Trump-led GOP continues to push a far-right agenda, a growing cadre of democratic socialist politicians are finding increasing success in local elections by touting platforms of progressive policies, tapping into social media with snappy, engaging content, and connecting face to face with typically forgotten voter blocs. The continued presence of democratic socialists Bernie Sanders, the Vermont senator; Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the New York representative; and Rashida Tlaib, the Michigan representative, in Congress has been an inspiration to many of these similarly minded political hopefuls. However, it's Mamdani's recent success that many DSA-endorsed candidates like Jake Ephros, running for Jersey City council; Kelsea Bond, running for Atlanta city council; Jorge Defendini, running for Ithaca common council; and others who attended this convention are hoping to replicate. The goal is to show that the campaign isn't a flash-in-the-pan win, but instead a burgeoning tide shift toward a leftwing political future divorced from capitalism, despite criticism from traditionalist Democrats and Republicans alike. 'Zohran Mamdani's win in New York or Omar Fateh in Minneapolis, also poised to become a socialist mayor of a major city – these are things that come after years of structure that DSA helped build up in a bunch of chapters … This is also why DSA is growing so much and having all this new energy, because we're just really demonstrating what the alternative is,' said Ashik Siddique, the national co-chair of the DSA. 'The Democratic party has not really presented a meaningful alternative.' With the DSA's membership having surged in recent months, and both the 2026 midterm and 2028 presidential elections on the horizon, this weekend's convention was a key opportunity for many to strategize on how to capitalize on expanding influence and recent wins. 'There's so much excitement around our huge victory, Zohran Mamdani winning the primary,' said Gustavo Gordillo, co-chair for the New York City chapter of the DSA. 'People are coming up to us and asking us about the campaign, wanting to learn from our experience as well, and I'll say that the big change that I've seen over the years is that DSA as an organization has matured politically.' While the NYC-DSA continues its work, other chapters will attempt to follow its lead, organizing around their own socialist candidates while the national DSA organization reaffirms its position on Palestine, organizes to end US aid to Israel, supports the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement – which calls on consumers to stop supporting both Israeli companies and companies that have supported Israel – and stands against US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) in solidarity with immigrants. That and a clear economic agenda that supports the working class 'over billionaires, the bosses, the corporations that are raising prices, that are keeping our wages low' are what will lead to further success for democratic socialist candidates, in Gordillo's eyes. Persistence can also be helpful. It helped Alex Brower, who won his election for Milwaukee common council district three alderman in an April special election after the death of his predecessor, in his third bid for office as a democratic socialist. 'That happens to a lot of socialists because … if socialists were 100% successful, we'd have a socialist America right now. So there's a lot of losing, but I think, honestly, I think we learn more by losing than winning,' Brower said. Many DSA-endorsed candidates will also be deep in the throes of fieldwork in the coming months: knocking on doors, attending events, meeting with neighbors and being visible in communities, all key to keeping the DSA's recent momentum going, according to Ephros, who is currently running for the Jersey City council on a platform of affordable social housing, universal rent control, universal childcare, public healthcare and the Green New Deal, among other issues. 'It goes a long way to just demonstrate: 'Oh, this isn't some shadowy, weird, fringe guy who calls himself a socialist and that means scary things to me; it's my neighbor and he's active in the community and he's showing up,'' he said. Over the three days of the convention, the conference's largest in its history, DSA members gathered to deliberate resolutions that will guide chapter actions and concerns over the next two years. Members voted to approve a measure for 'a fighting anti-Zionist DSA', a resolution that prompted much debate and some resistance due to a clause that would expel members for supporting Israel. Arguments both for and against the measure were raised to the crowd of voting members on Sunday afternoon, delayed by calls from DSA leadership to hold applause in favor of the silent American Sign Language motion for clapping, consisting of the waving of both hands. The request was only mildly successful. Members also voted to prioritize efforts to put up a DSA-endorsed socialist candidate for the 2028 presidential election, and elected both new and returning delegates to the DSA's national political committee, the 16-person body that serves as the organization's board of directors. On Friday, members heard from Rashida Tlaib, the keynote speaker for this year's convention. As one of Congress's most outspoken supporters of Palestine, Tlaib largely spoke about the responsibility Congress has to condemn Israel's bombing and starvation of the people in Palestine. She also emphasized the work she believes the DSA still has to do. 'For DSA to live up to our potential, we have to be willing to grow ourselves. We need more members for more diverse communities and leadership roles, y'all. We are failing, and again, I'm telling you as a big sis, we are failing when a room like this only has a handful of our Black neighbors. You need to be intentional,' Tlaib said to Friday's intently listening crowd. 'A lot of working-class folks have strong historical ties to the Democratic party. They know they have been let down, and they're looking for a new home. They want to envision the alternatives, and we have it.' Álvaro López, an electoral coordinator for NYC-DSA who assisted Mamdani's campaign, attended the DSA convention for the first time after being a member since 2017. He's grappling with what to take from the convention's more introspective measures. 'In this convention, unfortunately, Donald Trump was not raised. Zohran's victory was not strategically discussed, and I think that's a product of our larger, big-tent organization that we have. I think there is a lot of work for the left and the DSA to still get to a point where we are really thinking about how do we build power, and how we are not so inward looking and think of ourselves as the protagonist of everything around us,' López said. The NYC-DSA's strategy for creating successful campaigns has previously involved contesting local and state-level positions, before shifting to one that seeks to place democratic socialists in the highest levels of local politics. With many DSA chapters strategizing what that looks like for them back home, taking similar steps may help, Gordillo believes. 'Many working-class people, for example, don't really know what the state assembly is,' he said. 'It's harder to get traction or to do mass communications that way, so we decided to run a socialist for mayor,' he said of reaching voters in local elections. 'We need to do that, not just in New York City. We need to do it in Minneapolis. We need to do it in Los Angeles and in Detroit and Michigan, eventually in 2028. I hope that we take that to the federal stage in the presidential run.' A resolution brought up at this year's DSA convention would create a strategy to build socialism in each of the 50 states and help the DSA build more statewide organizations. The DSA has also previously expanded an electoral program to provide more support to chapters that want to learn how they can run their own candidates and develop class-struggle elections. It's political actions like these that can be the key to winning races, even by the smallest of margins, Tlaib said on Friday, reminding DSA members of her win in 2018 by only 900 votes. 'We are standing at a crossroads in American history,' Tlaib said. 'We are going to take this country back for our working families and defeat these pathetic, cowardly, hateful fascists. We're going to win because we don't have any other options, and yes, we are going to free Palestine. They don't have any other choice. Our movement isn't going anywhere, and we're just getting started.'