Iran has been hurt but is still a 'considerable' threat to US forces in the Middle East, says US admiral
"At the tactical level, I think they've been degraded," Vice Adm. Brad Cooper, deputy commander of US Central Command, said at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing.
"I think the degree to which that degradation has taken place, particularly in the last 12 days, is best discussed in a classified forum," he added.
But he said that Iran possesses "considerable tactical capability," one element of which was visible in the missile attack on the US military base of Al Udeid on Monday.
Iran attacked the base, located in Qatar and the US's largest in the region, with missiles that were foiled by Qatari air defenses and caused no deaths or injuries.
The attack came a day after the US launched a major strike on Iranian facilities linked to its nuclear program, using GBU-57 bunker-buster bombs for the first time in combat.
In a press briefing Sunday, Gen. Dan Caine, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said US forces fired around 75 precision-guided weapons in total during the operation, which targeted facilities at Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan.
President Donald Trump said the strikes had destroyed the nuclear facilities. The White House pushed back on reports on Tuesday that the sites were only damaged.
A tentative ceasefire between Israel and Iran is currently in place, but there are concerns that it may not last, and that Iran could resort to other tactics to fight back.
Iran retains a large ballistic missile stockpile, and Cooper said that while its proxies like Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza have been reduced in strength, its network of regional militias remains a threat.
"The thing I think we need to do right now and that we are doing, with clarity, is making sure our men and women are safe in the Middle East," he said.
The US has around 40,000 military and civilian personnel in the region, and bolstered its military presence there with the deployment of the USS Nimitz.
Cooper added that: "We've got to be in a three-point stance, ready to go every single day."
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Verge
14 minutes ago
- The Verge
Sen. Amy Klobuchar calls for stricter AI deepfake laws.
Why should tech companies' profits rule over our rights to our own images and voices?... It is time for members of Congress to stand up for their constituents, stop currying favor with the tech companies and set the record straight.


The Hill
43 minutes ago
- The Hill
Crockett on redistricting: Republicans ‘are cheaters all day, every day'
Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) slammed GOP lawmakers in the Lone Star State for attempting to acquire five more House seats through mid-decade redistricting while applauding Democrats' retaliatory efforts in other states. 'The Republicans, they are cheaters all day, every day. But we have never tried to match their energy until now. And I applaud it,' Crockett said during a Tuesday appearance on CNN's 'The Source.' 'This is a dangerous road to travel down and I do applaud those in California that say, if you want to play with us, we will play back,' she said elsewhere in the interview, referring to California Democrats' push for their own redistricting plan. 'You can stop this right now if you just say, hey we will stop in Texas, because California doesn't go into play unless Texas does,' she added. Democratic legislators who fled Texas earlier this month made their way back to the state this week in preparation for Wednesday votes on the GOP redistricting proposal. Republicans backed by President Trump are aiming to add five House seats in Texas, as they seek to defend their narrow majority in Congress in the 2026 midterm elections. Crockett argued Tuesday the effort is a broader reflection of Republicans' repeated attempts to gain an edge in drawing political maps. 'If you will recall, when we look at North Carolina, as soon as they ended up with a Republican majority in that Supreme Court, what did they do? They decided to take their map from seven, which is pretty much what the state of North Carolina looks like, and instead they added an additional three seats for the Republicans,' the Texas Democrat told CNN. 'So now it's 10-4. Well, when you look at the voting, nothing looks like 10-4. And they only did that once the Republicans took control,' she added. Crockett has become a firebrand for Democrats in recent months, making regular cable news appearances to criticize the Trump administration and the president's MAGA allies in Congress. And she's amped up her criticism of the GOP over its redistricting efforts in her home state both in interviews and on social media in recent weeks. 'As a former Texas State Rep, let me be clear: LOCKING Rep. Nicole Collier inside the chamber is beyond outrageous,' Crockett wrote in a Monday post on X, referring to new Texas House rules requiring Democratic legislators to be shadowed by an escort to ensure a quorum for votes. 'Forcing elected officials to sign 'permission slips' and take police escorts to leave? That's not procedure. That's some old Jim Crow playbook,' she added.


Time Magazine
44 minutes ago
- Time Magazine
Texas's New Map Is Racial Division by Another Name
I represent the people of El Paso, Texas in the state legislature, a west Texas district that is a 14-hour drive away from the Louisiana border. Yet, data from the Texas Legislative Council indicates that the congressional lines Republicans are rushing through Austin manages to somehow knit 90% of the state's white voting power across that entire expanse—while slicing Latino and Black communities into pieces so small they have little power to choose their own representatives. Fueled by rapid Latino population growth, Texas has amassed new congressional seats. But these gains have not strengthened the political voice of the communities driving that growth. Instead, Texas Republicans have, in my view, used racial engineering to make sure Texans of color cannot meaningfully influence elections for Congress or the state legislature. Latinos now make up a larger share of Texas's 31 million population than in California, the state often considered the Latino capital of America. Texas also has more Black residents than Georgia, despite Georgia's reputation as a center of Black political power. Nearly 60% of Texans are people of color, and 95% of the state's population growth in the past decade has come from those communities. Despite this reality, Texas's new congressional lines position white voters to decide at least 26 of the state's 38 congressional seats—putting power in the hands of white voters by design, not accident. In another three districts, a 'Latino majority' exists only on paper: map-drawers split cohesive barrios, added high-turnout Anglo precincts, and minimized the share of voting-age Latino citizens, handing the keys to white voters in these districts as well. Together, the racially-engineered 26 white-majority seats—plus the three manufactured 'Latino' seats—is how the federal and state government openly conspired to gain additional Republican congressional seats. But the Trump Administration's ambitions come at the expense of Latino and Black Texans. Here's the blunt math on the Texas Republican proposal: under this map, my team and I estimate it would take roughly 445,000 white residents to secure one member of Congress, but about 1.4 million Latino residents and 2 million Black residents to secure the same. In effect, the political 'worth' of a Latino Texan is cut to one‑third of a white Texan's, and for Black Texans, to one‑fifth. On paper the districts are equal in population; in practice the map assigns unequal electoral weight across racial lines. This means that the value of one Latino resident's vote is worth just one-third the value of one white resident, and a black resident is one-fifth; it would take three Latino Texans, or five Black Texans, to equal the voting power of a single white Texan. Republicans insist this is just politics. But Texas has a long, well‑documented history of crossing the line from hardball politics to what I would define as unlawful racial engineering. In 2006, the Supreme Court threw out a South Texas district for unlawfully diluting Latino voting strength after a mid‑decade redraw. Federal courts found problems with parts of the state's 2011 maps, too. Texas operated under federal 'preclearance' for decades because of past discrimination. When Shelby County v. Holder in 2013 removed that guardrail, it invited states like Texas to test the limits—passing racially engineered maps that can stand for years while litigation drags on, yielding short-term gains of up to five additional U.S. House seats. Courts have recently required more Black opportunity districts in Alabama and allowed a second Black district to stand for now in Louisiana, underscoring that the Voting Rights Act still means something when states overreach. Texas, meanwhile, is moving in the opposite direction. Some Republicans argue that growing GOP support among a subset of Latino voters in Texas justifies these lines. But even if you accept their premise, the Voting Rights Act is about opportunity, not partisan outcomes—ensuring communities of color can form districts where they have a realistic chance to elect their preferred candidates, regardless of party. Here, the state is doing the opposite: cracking and packing Latino and Black neighborhoods to reduce the number of such districts. This potential racial engineering sidelines communities of color and ensures they cannot meaningfully influence elections for Congress or the state legislature. If this plan passes, Texas Latinos could become the most underrepresented racial or ethnic group in all 50 states. The level of under-representation in Texas's proposal far exceeds the disparities that courts already forced Alabama and Louisiana to correct. Maps like this do not merely entrench a party; they entrench a racial hierarchy. By cracking Latino barrios and Black neighborhoods, dismantling multi-racial districts, and fine-tuning the citizen-voting-age share to keep those communities just below the thresholds where they can elect their candidates of choice, the lines ensure white voting blocs remain decisive—even inside districts labeled 'Latino.' That is racial vote dilution: it denies Latino and Black Texans an equal opportunity to translate population into seats, and it teaches a generation that their ballots carry less electoral weight because of race, not ideas. A government that is not accountable to Latino and Black Texans teaches children early that their voices don't count. Their families, who pay taxes, work hard, and build this state, are told their votes will be discounted by design and that representation can be rationed by color. When districts are drawn to dilute their votes, the message is that citizenship is conditional and equal protection negotiable. That is the very struggle the civil rights movement sought to end: government may not target voters based on race and then claim neutrality at the ballot box. We have seen this before, from literacy tests to poll taxes—different tools, same result, keeping power just out of reach. A true democracy demands maps that make our government accountable to all of its people, not just the ones it prefers.