
George Gibney to appear in US court over his potential extradition
Mr Gibney, who is now in his 70s, is facing a total of 79 charges relating to historical sex abuse allegations. Of these, 78 are for indecent assault while one is for attempted rape, court documents filed at the District Court of Orlando, Florida, have shown.
These charges relate to allegations made by four girls. They were all aged between eight and 15 at the time and were being coached by Gibney at the time of the alleged abuse. Gibney remains in custody in the US. George Gibney. Pic: Eamonn Farrell/RollingNews.ie
Speaking yesterday, Taoiseach Micheál Martin praised the cooperation of members of the gardaí with the US justice system. The allegations regarding Gibney were highlighted in a BBC podcast which was released over five years ago.
The Garda National Protective Services Bureau has been working on a case following the release of the podcast. After compiling a file, the DPP recommended that he be charged with over 50 historical sexual abuse offences.
The Taoiseach told reporters in Japan, according to RTÉ: 'I think we all listened to the podcast. I think it's important that we have an agreement with the US. Gardaí have been working very diligently and in a detailed way, I have no doubt. We will await the next step now.' Taoiseach Micheál Martin praised the cooperation of members of the gardaí with the US justice system. Pic: Leah Farrell/RollingNews.ie
Mr Gibney served as an Olympic swimming coach in Dublin during the 1980s and 1990s, but he stepped back from the sport following a host of allegations of sexual abuse levelled against him by both male and female swimmers.
He had previously appeared before Dún Laoghaire District Court in April 1993, charged with 27 counts of indecency against young swimmers. He was also charged with 'having carnal knowledge' of girls under the age of 15.
He managed to stop the prosecution by taking a judicial review, where his legal team argued there was a delay in the offences coming to court. The case eventually ended up in the Supreme Court, which then ruled in Mr Gibney's favour. George Gibney. Pic: INPHO/Billy Stickland
It was then that he left for the US. BBC Sounds and Second Captains produced the podcast series entitled Where is George Gibney?, in which many of Mr Gibney's alleged victims came forward to deliver harrowing testimonies about their experiences. This included 18 new people who had never spoken publicly about the alleged abuse before.
'What was striking was that no men had come forward,' creator of the podcast, Mark Horgan, said. 'There is still a stigma about men who were involved in historic sex abuse cases coming forward. 'We know George Gibney abused boys. I think it's positive for men to know that they'll be believed in Ireland and they're going to be heard too.'
Mr Horgan also said that the goal of the podcast was not to get another trial or the extradition of Mr Gibney, who left the country following a failed prosecution in the Nineties.
'The aim was never to get another trial for extradition, the aim was to get the story told to as many people as possible,' he said. 'Perpetrators of abuse want these stories to remain in the dark and for parents not to be aware, and for survivors to stay silent.
'So when we started it was just to get as many people as possible to learn about the stories of George Gibney and for survivors to have their voices heard,' he told RTÉ.

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It has not yet been defined which parts of either group's performances are being examined as part of the criminal investigation. Within minutes of Bob Vylan coming off stage at the festival, several accounts online accused the group of antisemitism. During their set, they had led the crowd with chants of "Death to the IDF," and "Free, Free Palestine." Over the days that followed, the band faced both support and criticism for the language used. While most vocal support came from pro-Palestinian fans, activists, and fellow artists, the band has faced significant backlash from politicians, commentators and prominent Jewish figures, including the UK Chief Rabbi. On Sunday, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer labelled the comments as "hate speech." Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy followed on Monday, arguing that because Israel's military conscription system requires all young people to serve in the military "chanting death to the IDF is equivalent to calling for the death of every single Israeli Jew." Despite pushing back strongly against accusations of antisemitism on Tuesday, and saying they were "being targeted for speaking up," the band have since been dropped by their agency and management, had upcoming shows cancelled, and now face the prospect of a potentially lengthy legal battle. What would form the basis of a prosecution? While the police can investigate and recommend any charges, it is ultimately up to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) to launch a prosecution. Prof David Mead, an expert in protest and public order law at the University of East Anglia, says any prosecution would have to pass two main legal tests. "First, the CPS would need to be satisfied that there is enough evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction. Second, they would have to decide whether bringing charges is in the public interest," Prof Mead said. Prof Mead added that a conviction would ultimately require a jury to be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that all elements of the offence are proven, including the words used, how they were intended, and their likely impact on the audience. The legal burden: What prosecutors must prove Jonathan Hall KC is a leading UK barrister and the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation appointed by the UK's Home Secretary. Speaking to RTÉ, Mr Hall said the key piece of legislation that could be used against the member of the group Bob Vylan who uses the stage name 'Bobbie Vylan' would be Section 18 of the Public Order Act 1986. "The principal candidate for people who make public pronouncements that could bring down hatred on groups, on minority groups or protected groups, is what's called stirring up racial hatred," Mr Hall said. However, he added that the police could struggle to bring charges under that legislation "unless their investigation turns up something that we don't know about." "It's quite hard to show off the back of saying 'Death to the IDF' that he intended people in the audience to hate Jews," Mr Hall said, "that's because what he said was to a military of a country - although, there is an exceptionally strong link between Jews and that country." There is another possible interpretation of that same offence, Mr Hall said, that even if Bobby Vylan "didn't intend" people in the audience to hate Jews "he must have known that was the likely effect." "Again, I think it's quite hard to prove the likely effect of saying, 'death to the IDF' that people are going to hate Jews, rather than just be very hostile towards that military body," Mr Hall said. Prof Mead agrees that the key legal test hinges on interpretation. "The battle is this: should 'Death to the IDF' be seen as aimed at stirring up hatred against the Israeli military, or against Israelis as a people more broadly? Only if it targets a group defined by race or nationality can the offence possibly be made out," he said. When does protest cross into harassment? However, Prof Mead says another charge could potentially be brought against Bob Vylan under section 5 of the Public Order Act 1986, which covers threatening or abusive language likely to cause harassment, alarm or distress. "This is the most commonly used public order 'speech' crime as it is easiest to prove and thus very likely here that CPS would go for it," Prof Mead said. The CPS would only need to show that someone present was likely to feel harassed or alarmed, even if no one actually did, a threshold already established in case law, Prof Mead explained. Mr Hall also said it would be possible to bring a case on those grounds but that he would "have to see what the investigation shows, because it's hard to prove that he [Bob Vylan's singer] realised that there were Jews in the audience, and he was saying this in order to harass them." In a statement on Tuesday, Bob Vylan attempted to clarify their position saying: "We are not for the death of Jews, Arabs or any other race or group of people," adding that they "are for the dismantling of a violent military machine" that "has destroyed much of Gaza." Whether or not that defence holds weight would depend heavily on intent, which is central to any criminal prosecution under UK law, Mr Hall says. "The 'intending' is really important with criminal law, particularly with what you call speech offences," he said. "From a criminal law perspective, the circumstances in which you make it a crime to say something are limited. One of the key limits is what do you intend, or what do you believe is going to happen?" Referring to the music of NWA, a hip-hop group that rose to prominence in Compton, California in the 1980s, Mr Hall said there are examples in their music which is "implicitly saying 'kill the cops.'" "No one's going to say that's what they were intending anyone should do as a result of it," he said. "I think that if you had a prosecution of someone involved in a music festival, they would inevitably say, 'I'm a performer, I'm on stage. How can you begin to prove that I meant that like some gang lord telling his lieutenant to carry out a hit?'" How does this compare to other recent cases? In recent days, a number of prominent UK politicians and commentators - including the Conservative Shadow Home Secretary Chris Philp - have likened the situation to the case of Lucy Connolly. Connolly was jailed for 31 months in October 2024 after using social media to call for hotels housing asylum seekers to be set on fire during the Southport Riots last summer. In a post on X, Mr Philp said of Bob Vylan "they should be arrested and prosecuted – just like some of those who did the same during the riots." The case has also reignited claims of a so-called "two-tier" approach to policing. Andrea Jenkyns, a Reform UK mayor, said that if Bob Vylan are not arrested over their chants, it would be evidence of a "two-tiered justice system." But there is little legal basis for that claim, according to Prof David Mead. "The idea of a 'two-tier' criminal justice system following the conviction of Lucy Connolly is, in my view, very misplaced. The IDF is a powerful state army thousands of miles away. Those seeking refuge in the UK are vulnerable private citizens at immediate risk should anyone take up her suggestion," Prof Mead said. Steve Kuncewicz is a partner at a law firm in Manchester and specialises in legal issues involving social media. In the Lucy Connolly case, he said, there was a "very different set of an awful lot of other evidence that went into that case." "That was a very specific call to action to cause harm to a very specific part of the community. There was a real risk in... the Southport riots, that that would be likely to happen." "It's a recurrence that's being drawn, but again, it's a very dangerous one, and it's an incorrect one. It's the two completely different kinds of incidents." The likeliest outcome? Ultimately, any prosecution would hinge on proving intent, that the Bob Vylan chant was meant to stir up racial hatred or harass Jewish people. "At the moment, I think that off the back of what I've seen from the footage of Glastonbury, I'm sceptical that they would have that," Mr Hall said. He's also, he says, "sceptical that you could prove in the course of law that he was using the IDF as a substitute code word for Jews." In the current climate in the UK, Mr Kuncewicz believes the wider political pressure could still influence how police approach the case. "Whatever happens, it's going to be very, very heavily scrutinised. But I do think given the current atmosphere we're in, the police may feel a bit more compelled to make an example here because they might see it as an incitement to violence."