The Amazon's Future Will Be Decided in 2025
Global climate talks have produced plenty of lofty promises and high-profile partnerships, but far too little real action. Without urgent, collaborative efforts to slash emissions and increase funding for climate-change adaptation and ecosystem conservation, the world risks losing an indispensable natural asset.
SíO PAULO/WAGENINGEN – Between November 2023 and October 2024, the Amazon rainforest faced yearly average temperature increases above 2° Celsius. Record-breaking heat waves, droughts, and fires have ravaged the region; deforestation is still too high; and indigenous peoples and local communities have faced proliferating threats against their livelihoods and well-being.
The threat these trends represent can hardly be overstated. The Amazon is rapidly approaching a tipping point, beyond which forest dieback could cause permanent degradation. The region's transformation into self-drying areas of open vegetation would wreak havoc on the biome's unmatched biodiversity, its food systems, and the livelihoods of its 47 million inhabitants. It would also destroy a vital carbon sink and a powerful source of moisture for South America – the 'flying rivers' that sustain rainfall systems far south of the Amazon Basin.
Despite ample opportunity for multilateral efforts to protect and restore the Amazon, the outcomes so far have been woefully inadequate. Just last October, leaders gathered in Cali, Colombia, for the 16th meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (COP16). A few weeks later, they headed to Baku, Azerbaijan, for the 29th meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP29). But neither gathering yielded the necessary results.
To be sure, COP16 brought the adoption of a new 'program of work,' which should enhance the ability of indigenous peoples and local communities to contribute to biodiversity conservation. It also featured the launch of the Cali Fund, which facilitates the equitable distribution of profits from the use of sequenced genetic information that has been collected from the natural world. But only 44 of the 196 parties at the event managed to produce new national biodiversity plans.
Likewise, while COP29 brought the launch of the Baku Forest Declaration, climate-financing commitments fell far short of developing economies' needs, and negotiators failed to reach a new agreement on cutting greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions. Neither deforestation nor land use were so much as mentioned in the COP29 Presidential Action Agenda.
Despite these disappointments, some countries showed initiative and leadership in 2024. At COP29, Brazil – home to about 60% of the Amazon rainforest – became the second country to launch its new Nationally Determined Contribution under the 2015 Paris climate agreement. The plan includes a reduction of net GHG emissions to about 60% below 2005 levels by 2035 – a target that is critical to halting deforestation.
Moreover, as host of the G20 2024 Leaders' Summit in Rio de Janeiro in November, Brazil secured backing for the Tropical Forest Forever Facility, an innovative new fund – expected to attract $125 billion in initial investment – that will reward countries for conserving tropical forests, including areas from the Amazon to Borneo to the Congo Basin.
Another Brazilian vision was realized at the G20 Summit. The G20 Initiative on Bioeconomy aims to unleash the bioeconomy's potential to advance a sustainable future and foster inclusive economic growth. In Rio, the initiative's members agreed on ten High-Level Principles to guide bioeconomy development.
Brazil also collaborated with G20 member countries to launch, in November, the Brazil Restoration & Bioeconomy Finance Coalition to bolster the conservation and restoration of the country's forests. And Brazil is a member, along with the other seven Amazonian countries, of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization, which reached an agreement with the Pan American Health Organization in October to promote health and sustainable development in the region.
Brazil has matched its global leadership with a push to reduce deforestation at home. In 2024, its deforestation rate reached a nine-year low. Some other Amazonian countries are following suit. Colombia, for example, reduced deforestation to a 23-year low in 2023, halving primary forest loss compared to the previous year. But others are moving in the opposite direction: in Bolivia, primary forest loss increased by 27% in 2023.
This year's UN Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belém, Brazil – the first such conference to be held in the Amazon – offers a chance to build on recent progress and bridge important gaps. A top priority for the conference – for which countries should already be preparing – should be to secure a global commitment to achieving zero deforestation in the Amazon by 2030 and net-zero global GHG emissions before 2050. During the G20 Summit, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva challenged member countries to reach net-zero by 2040 or 2045 – essential targets to combat the climate emergency.
Targeted funding and support will be needed to restore ecosystems, enhance resilience, conserve biodiversity, and protect the rights and livelihoods of the indigenous peoples and local communities who depend on the Amazon and are its stewards and protectors. Increased climate finance and the expansion of protected areas and indigenous territories are essential. Action must also be taken to protect and strengthen the Amazonian socio-bioeconomies, both by promoting the sustainable use and restoration of 'healthy standing forests and flowing rivers' and by investing in relevant science, technology, and innovation.
Global climate talks have produced no shortage of lofty promises and high-profile partnerships, but when it comes to real action, they have consistently fallen short. Now, with the Amazon's survival in the balance, we need immediate, concrete, collaborative efforts to slash emissions and channel more resources toward climate-change adaptation and ecosystem conservation. If COP30 fails to deliver, we risk losing the Amazon altogether. www.project-syndicate.org
*Carlos Nobre, a professor at the University of São Paulo, is Co-Chair of the Science Panel for the Amazon.
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Ammon
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- Ammon
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Jordan Times
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But they would be better off trying a different approach, one that reflects political realities in the US and around the world but could still make a meaningful difference. Such an approach must begin with realistic goals. Climate change can be managed, not stopped or solved. Global emissions continue to rise, fossil fuels still account for 80% of world energy use, and talk of a transition away from them is mostly just that: talk. And energy use will only continue to increase as the global population increases, Africa develops, electrification expands, and new data centers required for artificial intelligence are built. Given this, embracing energy coexistence is unavoidable. Fossil fuels will be here for decades to come. While developed countries are abandoning coal (albeit not completely), its use in the developing world continues to increase, where the goal should be to accelerate the shift toward cleaner natural gas. The same holds for practices that limit methane emissions. Renewables are growing in importance and should be encouraged through public-private partnerships. There is no reason that a US president prepared to be tough on China should allow it to dominate green technological innovation. The private sector, which has made enormous investments and stands to gain from future ones, should weigh in. Policymakers should also emphasize adaptation and resilience at the national, state, and local levels. Building codes and zoning regulations need to be rethought to limit vulnerability to climate-related extreme heat, fires, storms, and flooding. Investment in such infrastructure could create jobs and make it possible for people to live where they want. Solutions that increase the efficiency of the energy grid, water systems, and household appliances should also be adopted. Here, Elon Musk's 'Department of Government Efficiency' (DOGE) should weigh in. Likewise, a feasible climate-change policy must treat nuclear energy as indispensable for achieving reliable clean power. This can only happen by streamlining permitting processes to accelerate deployment of new reactors. China is building nuclear plants in under five years; there is no good reason the US cannot match this. Similarly, roadblocks to much needed renewable projects, mining of critical minerals, and development of energy infrastructure ought to be reduced. Here, too, DOGE could have a role to play. The federal government and states (together with companies) should also invest in technologies like direct air capture, better scrubbing systems for coal plants, and carbon capture, utilization, sequestration, and storage. Again, there is no reason that economic growth must be sacrificed. A greater focus on what communities and cities can do to reduce their vulnerability to fires, floods, and the like can help manage the effects of climate change without engaging the ideological debate. It would also help to engage new climate allies, including religious leaders, educators, and business leaders. Many young people are already there. At the same time, global efforts should be restructured. The annual United Nations Climate Change Conferences are falling short. What is needed are smaller groups (what some call 'minilateralism') focusing on specific aspects of the climate challenge and involving the governments and companies that matter most. Trade offers a model here: whereas global efforts have failed, regional and other small clusters have flourished. Nature-based climate stewardship of the oceans and forests is also needed, because it preserves and expands the most powerful carbon sinks. Assistance of all sorts should be channeled to encourage forestation and halt or slow deforestation. Trump considers himself an environmentalist. Here is a way he can act on it. Lastly, solar geoengineering, or reflecting solar radiation back into space, deserves more exploration. Federal investment through US national labs could ensure responsible development and governance. While controversial, it represents the kind of bold, game-changing initiative that should appeal to Trump. If successful, solar geoengineering could one day meaningfully slow or stop additional climate change and even offset some existing effects. And even if its promise proves to be less dramatic, the technology could complement existing and planned mitigation and adaptation efforts. There are no doubt other ideas that are both desirable and feasible. What is certain is that we cannot address the climate crisis effectively by insisting on an approach that is not succeeding. Stopping climate change might well be beyond our reach, but managing it in a cost-effective way need not be. Richard Haass, President Emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, senior counselor at Centerview Partners, and Distinguished University Scholar at New York University, previously served as Director of Policy Planning for the US State Department (2001-03), and was President George W. Bush's special envoy to Northern Ireland and Coordinator for the Future of Afghanistan. He is the author of The Bill of Obligations: The Ten Habits of Good Citizens (Penguin Press, 2023) and the weekly Substack newsletter Home & Away. Carolyn Kissane is Associate Dean and Clinical Professor at the New York University School of Professional Studies Center for Global Affairs and Founding Director of NYU's Energy, Climate, and Sustainability Lab. Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025.

Ammon
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- Ammon
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The Global South views the problem as one that ought to be fixed by richer countries that developed sooner. Many countries, including China, prioritize near-term economic growth over reducing greenhouse-gas emissions, and freeriding on other governments' efforts is widespread, partly owing to public opposition to taxes that could curb energy use or encourage climate-conscious behaviors. Since returning to the White House, Donald Trump has led the United States swiftly into this camp, withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement, rescinding emissions-reduction targets, and ending climate-related initiatives. His administration is focused on increasing fossil-fuel production, even though the US is already the world's leading producer of oil and gas and has only modest potential to increase output. The reasons are not only economic but also cultural and political, with many Americans resenting or rejecting experts' climate warnings. The good news, though, is that a range of potential initiatives that are consistent with the Trump administration's priorities could still slow climate change. Those who acknowledge the seriousness of the climate crisis can repeat the same arguments, attend the same global conferences, and advocate for the same policies in the hope that at some point what has mostly failed will mostly succeed. But they would be better off trying a different approach, one that reflects political realities in the US and around the world but could still make a meaningful difference. Such an approach must begin with realistic goals. Climate change can be managed, not stopped or solved. Global emissions continue to rise, fossil fuels still account for 80% of world energy use, and talk of a transition away from them is mostly just that: talk. And energy use will only continue to increase as the global population increases, Africa develops, electrification expands, and new data centers required for artificial intelligence are built. Given this, embracing energy coexistence is unavoidable. Fossil fuels will be here for decades to come. While developed countries are abandoning coal (albeit not completely), its use in the developing world continues to increase, where the goal should be to accelerate the shift toward cleaner natural gas. The same holds for practices that limit methane emissions. Renewables are growing in importance and should be encouraged through public-private partnerships. There is no reason that a US president prepared to be tough on China should allow it to dominate green technological innovation. The private sector, which has made enormous investments and stands to gain from future ones, should weigh in. Policymakers should also emphasize adaptation and resilience at the national, state, and local levels. Building codes and zoning regulations need to be rethought to limit vulnerability to climate-related extreme heat, fires, storms, and flooding. Investment in such infrastructure could create jobs and make it possible for people to live where they want. Solutions that increase the efficiency of the energy grid, water systems, and household appliances should also be adopted. Here, Elon Musk's 'Department of Government Efficiency' (DOGE) should weigh in. Likewise, a feasible climate-change policy must treat nuclear energy as indispensable for achieving reliable clean power. This can only happen by streamlining permitting processes to accelerate deployment of new reactors. China is building nuclear plants in under five years; there is no good reason the US cannot match this. Similarly, roadblocks to much needed renewable projects, mining of critical minerals, and development of energy infrastructure ought to be reduced. Here, too, DOGE could have a role to play. The federal government and states (together with companies) should also invest in technologies like direct air capture, better scrubbing systems for coal plants, and carbon capture, utilization, sequestration, and storage. Again, there is no reason that economic growth must be sacrificed. A greater focus on what communities and cities can do to reduce their vulnerability to fires, floods, and the like can help manage the effects of climate change without engaging the ideological debate. It would also help to engage new climate allies, including religious leaders, educators, and business leaders. Many young people are already there. At the same time, global efforts should be restructured. The annual United Nations Climate Change Conferences are falling short. What is needed are smaller groups (what some call 'minilateralism') focusing on specific aspects of the climate challenge and involving the governments and companies that matter most. Trade offers a model here: whereas global efforts have failed, regional and other small clusters have flourished. Nature-based climate stewardship of the oceans and forests is also needed, because it preserves and expands the most powerful carbon sinks. Assistance of all sorts should be channeled to encourage forestation and halt or slow deforestation. Trump considers himself an environmentalist. Here is a way he can act on it. Lastly, solar geoengineering, or reflecting solar radiation back into space, deserves more exploration. Federal investment through US national labs could ensure responsible development and governance. While controversial, it represents the kind of bold, game-changing initiative that should appeal to Trump. If successful, solar geoengineering could one day meaningfully slow or stop additional climate change and even offset some existing effects. And even if its promise proves to be less dramatic, the technology could complement existing and planned mitigation and adaptation efforts. There are no doubt other ideas that are both desirable and feasible. What is certain is that we cannot address the climate crisis effectively by insisting on an approach that is not succeeding. Stopping climate change might well be beyond our reach, but managing it in a cost-effective way need not be. Richard Haass, President Emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, senior counselor at Centerview Partners, and Distinguished University Scholar at New York University, previously served as Director of Policy Planning for the US State Department (2001-03), and was President George W. Bush's special envoy to Northern Ireland and Coordinator for the Future of Afghanistan. He is the author of The Bill of Obligations: The Ten Habits of Good Citizens (Penguin Press, 2023) and the weekly Substack newsletter Home & Away. Carolyn Kissane is Associate Dean and Clinical Professor at the New York University School of Professional Studies Center for Global Affairs and Founding Director of NYU's Energy, Climate, and Sustainability Lab.