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Foreigners pour billions into Taiwan, South Korea stocks on AI, growth optimism

Foreigners pour billions into Taiwan, South Korea stocks on AI, growth optimism

Yahoo3 days ago
By Sameer Manekar and Gaurav Dogra
(Reuters) -Foreign investors flocked to Asian stocks for the third straight month in July, with inflows into Taiwan hitting a near two-decade high and Thailand snapping its nine-month losing streak, buoyed by growth and AI prospects as trade worries fluctuate.
Foreign inflows into most Asian equity markets have stabilised over the past three months as countries clinched better trade arrangements with the United States, calming tariff-related volatility and uncertainty in financial markets.
Overseas investors showed strong interest in Taiwan and South Korea for the third straight month in July, pouring $7.78 billion in Taiwan, the highest since the 2008 global financial crisis, and $4.52 billion in South Korea, the most since February last year, LSEG data showed.
The MSCI gauge of equities in Asia excluding Japan rose 2% last month, its fifth consecutive month in green, while benchmarks in Taipei and Seoul advanced roughly 6% each.
Taiwan and South Korea were the top destinations in the region for foreign capital, securing a cumulative $25.7 billion over the past three months as the two dominant Asian tech exporters benefit from a global surge in AI-related investments.
South Korea's shareholder-friendly reforms, political stability, and robust corporate fundamentals lured investors in 2025 after a dreary performance last year, though recent concerns over reforms to tax policy are posing new challenges.
Foreign investors also net bought $499 million worth of Thai equities in July, the first month of inflows since September last year, as they scooped up stocks at relatively cheap valuations after a prolonged period of heavy selling.
Even so, Thailand's uncertain political climate, challenging macroeconomic conditions, and an unnecessarily strong currency that undermines export competitiveness continue to impede any buildup of positions on these equities.
Thailand's benchmark SET index surged 14% in July — its best month since November 2020 — but still not enough to erase steep losses suffered earlier in the year. The index remains 10% in the red, ranking among the region's worst performers.
"We are cautious and underweight on Thailand as it remains in a fairly precarious position: high household debt, limited government spending, an uncertain political environment, and external negative events such as the conflict with Cambodia," said Kenneth Tang, senior portfolio manager at Nikko Asset Management.
"If Thailand can settle these issues, it will clear up the path for its recovery."
Indian stocks experienced sharp outflows of over $2 billion in July, the highest since February this year and snapping a three-month streak of net purchases.
Indonesia and the Philippines also logged net outflows of $570 million and $29 million, respectively, last month, while Vietnam attracted $326 million as investors bet on the country's strong growth prospects after it secured a comfortable tariff rate with the United States.
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Foreign governments bet big to lobby Trump on tariffs. Most came up empty.
Foreign governments bet big to lobby Trump on tariffs. Most came up empty.

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Foreign governments bet big to lobby Trump on tariffs. Most came up empty.

Countries across the globe have dropped tens of millions this year on lobbyists with ties to President Donald Trump as they rushed to stave off tariffs that could cripple their economies. In most cases, the spending has gotten them nowhere. As Trump has taken a scattershot approach to setting tariff rates — crafting trade agreements that set a 15 percent tariff on major trading partners while imposing rates that vary between 10 and 41 percent on the rest of the world — traditional lobbying tactics in Washington appear to have had little influence. At least 30 nations hired new lobbyists with connections to Trump since the election. They include major trading partners like South Korea and Japan as well as smaller countries like Bosnia and Ecuador. But employing those lobbyists appeared to bear little relation to whether the countries were able to avoid the most punishing tariffs. 'I think the current leadership in Washington seems to be disrupting the traditional way of doing things. 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Leader-to-leader calls were particularly valuable in helping countries make their case directly to Trump. 'From my perspective, the best way to lobby President Trump is for the leader to face-to-face lobby him,' Tami Overby, a partner at DGA Group Government who focuses on trade in South Korea. 'It seems President Trump, he always talks about his relationships with other leaders. You know, whether we're in a good spot with that country or not [depending] if he feels like he's got a good relationship. And he sees himself as a deal maker.' Many of the firms enlisted to represent foreign governments before the Trump administration are mainstays of the D.C. lobbying scene, and plenty of countries already had veteran trade lobbyists or lobbyists with ties to Trump on their payrolls before the election. 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Ballard Partners, the previous home to Wiles and Attorney General Pam Bondi, helped broker a phone call between Trump and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba the day after the election, according to documents filed with DOJ under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. Another Trump-linked lobbying firm, BGR Group, has signed six new foreign governments since Trump's win last year. It previously employed Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy and is home to Trump adviser David Urban. Some of its foreign clients, like Angola and South Korea, saw their tariff rates drop between April and August. But the firm also lobbies for the Indian government, which paid BGR $300,000 from December through May, though much of that work was related to flaring tensions with Pakistan. Several Southeast Asian economies that have hired help in Washington fared better, with many of them receiving lower rates compared to the initial duties unveiled in April. 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The firm sent Mulopulos multiple follow-up texts over the next few months to coordinate meetings with Cambodia's negotiators and check for updates on the status of tariff negotiations, and organized meetings on the Hill with lawmakers including Rep. Adrian Smith (R-Neb.), according to the filings. In the end, Cambodia saw one of the largest tariff rate declines of any country between April and May, dropping from a threatened 49 percent duty. The Trump administration for its part has portrayed the countries with the most significant declines as cooperative partners that were willing to make the greatest concessions to the president's terms. One former diplomat who worked with governments across Southeast Asia said representatives from Vietnam arranged more than two dozen meetings with government officials, which ramped up days after Trump outlined his April rates. 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Taiwan Semiconductor Rides AI Wave To Double-Digit Revenue Gains in July
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Taiwan Semiconductor Rides AI Wave To Double-Digit Revenue Gains in July

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The Contradiction at the Heart of Trump's Trade Deals
The Contradiction at the Heart of Trump's Trade Deals

New York Times

time17 hours ago

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The Contradiction at the Heart of Trump's Trade Deals

As the dust — perhaps — starts to settle after four frenetic months of trade negotiations, the biggest win for America might be a potential windfall of investment from overseas. In an effort to avoid even higher tariffs, Japan, the European Union and South Korea loosely pledged to directly invest a total of $1.5 trillion in the United States, equivalent to what the government spent on Social Security benefits last year. We don't know exactly when the money will arrive, or if some of it simply replaces investments that might have happened anyway. Even with a healthy haircut, the pledges sound impressive, and could be greater than the new global direct investment in the United States over the past six years. Well before President Trump's deal-making, what's officially known as foreign direct investment has played an increasingly important role in America's economy. Today it accounts for about one in 10 American jobs and more than 16 percent of all U.S. manufacturing jobs. It brings technology and expertise (think Arizona semiconductor facilities courtesy of Taiwan) and supports American innovation, accounting for nearly 16 percent of U.S. corporate research and development. (Yes, the United States benefits from technology and knowledge transfers, just like other countries.) And in contrast to fickle stock and bond flows, this capital is sticky; most projects involve multiyear investments that provide a consistent boost to local economies. The need for foreign cash is only going to become more urgent, since U.S. budget deficits will likely limit how much money Washington has to invest. But there's a problem for the administration. An influx of foreign investment will worsen the trade deficit, which is the opposite of Mr. Trump's stated goal. America should nonetheless take that deal. When other countries want to buy U.S. land or buildings or invest in an American business, they need dollars. Selling foreign currencies to buy dollars pushes up the U.S. currency's value. A stronger dollar, in turn, weighs on exports by making them more expensive overseas. All else being equal, that leads to a wider trade deficit. This is a basic economic reality: A country's current account, which includes trade in goods and services, must balance its capital account — the flow of capital across borders, such as financial assets as well as direct investments. A current account deficit necessitates a capital account surplus. Thus, if you want the benefit of foreign investment, you effectively need to accept trade deficits. This is among the reasons it's wrongheaded to focus simply on America's bilateral trade relationships, as the White House seems to, to measure success or failure. The United States attracts hundreds of billions in new foreign investment every year, thanks to its enormous consumer market, a deep, highly skilled labor pool, an innovative culture and an economic growth rate that often dwarfs that of its overseas peers. The advantages are clear. Americans who benefit directly (through jobs created by foreign investment) and indirectly (via returns on their retirement accounts) have more money to spend, some of which goes to imports and contributes to trade deficits. This is the environment the United States has operated in for decades. Germany's BMW first produced vehicles in South Carolina in 1994 with a $600 million investment and 500 jobs. Since then, BMW has put some $14 billion into its South Carolina operations and now employs over 11,000 workers. The state hosts more than 1,100 operations of foreign-affiliated firms. These firms pay American workers and support U.S. G.D.P. American policymakers want to build on this success, especially when it comes to strategic industries that would bolster national security and create manufacturing jobs by returning to the United States. How to achieve these goals isn't obvious — there will always be trade-offs. The Biden administration tried to address this with a focus on carrots in the form of government incentives. It targeted strategically important foreign firms, such as Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, that would support U.S. national security while creating domestic jobs. Mr. Trump has also offered carrots, including tax breaks, less red tape and a plan to fast-track investment from approved companies. But his administration paired those carrots with sticks: higher tariff rates unless countries provided attractive deals for the United States. Countries have responded by opening up their markets to American products and pledging to put more than a trillion dollars to work in the United States. But these wins could prove difficult to sustain if this administration keeps alienating its allies. Consider Canada, the third-largest source of inbound foreign direct investment to the United States last year. An EY survey of dozens of Canadian chief executives released in June showed that 14 percent had stopped planned investments and 58 percent had delayed investments (domestically and abroad) in response to recent developments in geopolitical and trade policy. Britain, another historically important investment partner for the United States, seems to be having similar doubts. A Deloitte survey released in early July found only net 2 percent of chief financial officers at major British firms saw the United States as an attractive place to invest, down from net 59 percent in late 2024. (Instead they became notably more optimistic about investing at home.) This administration wants a manufacturing renaissance. Achieving that goal will be a lot more likely with robust foreign investment. And for that, the United States needs to keep its overseas friends and accept that smaller trade deficits may not be the optimal policy priority. Rebecca Patterson is an economist and a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations who has held senior positions at JPMorgan Chase and Bridgewater Associates. The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We'd like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here's our email: letters@ Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, Bluesky, WhatsApp and Threads.

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