Stocks To Watch: IndusInd Bank, Kotak Mahindra Bank, NTPC Green, Ola Electric, And Others
Stocks To Watch On Monday, July 28, 2025: Indian equity markets ended lower for the fourth consecutive week as investor sentiment remained cautious amid mixed global and domestic cues. On Monday, several key stocks, including IndusInd Bank, Adani Green, Kotak Mahindra Bank, NTPC Green, and Ola Electric will be in the spotlight due to significant news flows and first-quarter earnings announcements.
These companies are slated to report their Q1 results today and will be closely tracked for earnings performance and management commentary.
IDFC First Bank
The lender reported a 32% year-on-year drop in net profit to Rs 463 crore for Q1 FY26, weighed down by higher provisions and slower income growth.
NTPC Green Energy
NTPC Green signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Bihar State Power Generation Company Limited (BSPGCL) to jointly develop Battery Energy Storage Systems (BESS) and renewable energy projects in the state.
Kotak reported a net profit of Rs 3,281.7 crore for the June quarter, falling short of analysts' estimates pegged at Rs 3,442 crore.
The Maharatna PSU posted a sharp 811% year-on-year surge in net profit for Q1 FY26, clocking Rs 744.5 crore compared to the same period last year.
Ola Electric
Ola Electric's board has approved modifications to the planned utilisation of its IPO proceeds, including an extension of the timeline and changes to certain original objectives.
SBI Cards
SBI Cards posted a 6% YoY decline in net profit to Rs 556 crore for Q1 FY26, reflecting pressures on margins and higher costs.
Central Depository Services (India) Ltd (CDSL)
CDSL saw a 23.6% YoY fall in net profit to Rs 102.4 crore during the June quarter. EBITDA also declined, indicating margin pressure during the quarter.
Tata Chemicals
Tata Chemicals posted a robust 68% YoY increase in consolidated net profit for Q1 FY26, with earnings rising to Rs 252 crore on the back of improved operational performance.
Poonawalla Fincorp
Despite an 11% YoY rise in net interest income to Rs 639 crore, the company reported a steep fall in net profit to Rs 62.6 crore from Rs 291.6 crore in Q1 last year, owing to higher credit costs and other operating expenses.
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First Post
10 minutes ago
- First Post
India–Maldives ties: Time to look to the future, not the past
Lately, President Muizzu has conceded Delhi as a loyal friend and is working closely with India for economic recovery, which is unlikely to happen without the Maldives helping itself read more President of the Maldives Mohamed Muizzu, right, shakes hand with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi after signing a memorandum of understanding between the two countries in Male, Maldives, Friday, July 25, 2025. (Indian Prime Ministers Office via AP) At the end of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's two-day visit to the Maldives, 25-26 July, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri said it all in his post-talks news briefing. 'Together, the two sides were looking into the future, not the past,' he said. This was India's position even on a day-to-day basis when, as a freshly minted president, host Mohamed Muizzu bad-mouthed India as much as he could for any Maldivian leader on bilateral matters. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The visit was rich in optics—yes. From a public diplomacy perspective, it matters the most in both nations, especially now. The content of the visit was no less positive but was not flashy, as some in India especially had expected. At the end of their talks, Muizzu conceded at a news conference that India was a 'supportive, loyal friend'. It had taken him months to realise it and acknowledge it in public. In retrospect, it is safe to conclude that in his first weeks as president, and during his presidential poll campaign earlier, he was misinformed and misled by those around him. Share of blame Yet, Muizzu cannot absolve himself of the blame, as he already had six long years of experience as a senior minister for the all-important infrastructure development sector during the successive presidencies of Mohammed Waheed and Abdulla Yameen. He spent five years through Yameen's full term in office, during which time he was not known to have even squirmed at the president's anti-democracy initiatives. When Yameen launched his 'India Out' campaign while in the Opposition, Muizzu was seen in those rallies, though not all of them. In turn, this made Muizzu suspect in ordinary Indian eyes, as New Delhi too had reasons to brand Yameen as 'anti-India', more than for his being 'pro-China' or anything else. It was based on Yameen's perceptions about India in the context of Maldivian domestic politics. This is one area where Muizzu too could still trip if he does not take the India element out of his domestic political calculations. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This includes motivated domestic perceptions that India backs democratic forces in the archipelago, represented purportedly by the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), and that every other leader, including Muizzu, is an autocrat or despot. This domestic perception among all political players in the country is not supported by India's actions that are people-centric, not personality-centric. Greater legitimacy The Prime Minister was accompanied by a high-level team, which included External Affairs Minister (EAM) S Jaishankar, National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval, and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri. This indicated the level of engagement that accompanied the visit. Incidentally, the presence of NSA Doval was a lesser-known fact for the media in the two countries, but that does not necessarily mean that there were 'secret talks' on the security front, as often assumed. For optics, you had Muizzu receiving the prime minister personally at the Male airport, accompanied later at the official reception with a 21-gun salute, both of them unprecedented, and Modi's presence as the chief guest at the 60th Independence Day of Maldives. It was also the 60th anniversary of bilateral diplomacy, as India was among the first nations to recognise the new Maldivian regime post-independence in 1965. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Locally, eyebrows were raised, yes, when President Muizzu addressed a joint rally of the Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF) and the Maldivian Police Service (MPS) on the afternoon of Independence Day, when the Indian visitor was still in town. This was the first time an incumbent president was addressing the two together after then-President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom bifurcated the infamous National Security Service (NSS) in 2006, in the run-up to full democratisation through a new constitution and presidential elections in 2008. Looked at from a domestic angle, the Indian Prime Minister's visit, followed by that of Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in double-quick succession (July 28-29), is not about his administration opening up to ever-supportive neighbours, which is the truth of the matter. Instead, the perception, starting from Camp Muizzu, is one of his acquiring international legitimacy after having stabilised his hold over domestic governance and politics, in that order. Third visitor, who? STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Given the brutal majority that his People's National Congress (PNC) enjoys in the 93-member Parliament, there was no need for Muizzu to get an 'undemocratic' anti-defection law passed without debate. Nor was there any justification for the government-controlled Judicial Service Commission (JSC) suspending first and sacking three Justices of the Supreme Court when the full, seven-judge bench was set to hear a petition challenging the anti-defection law. Yet, he did both and initiated more such moves that critics claimed were 'anti-democratic'. It is in this context that critics see Muizzu's eagerness to have more foreign visitors on invitation, to tell his world that the international community stood by him. Hence, there is also speculation, if not betting, on who the 'lucky' third one would be after Modi and Anura to receive Muizzu's invitation to visit his country. New Delhi may not have any direct interest, least of all influence, in Muizzu's choice of the next couple of overseas Heads of State and/or Government visiting Maldives on invitation. Yet, India would be watching it all from the ringside to have a clear perspective of Muizzu's foreign, security, and overseas economic policies—not necessarily in that order. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Will the next visitor be the Chinese Prime Minister, if not President Xi Jinping, or Turkey's President Recep Erdogan? After all, Muizzu had courted both nations in his early weeks in office, and possibly before his election, too, and from whose shoulders he was firing (their?) anti-India salvos, too, before seeing their true colours, and tucked his tail between his legs without losing time or initiative. Credit and more On the constructive side, India and Maldives signed a total of eight agreements during Modi's visit, all of them discussed and debated threadbare in-house in the two governments and between them. The list includes one on a $565 million Line of Credit (LoC) from India and another on pharmaceutical supplies. This, in a way, is acknowledgement of the Muizzu Government's failure to obtain 'quality medicines at affordable prices' from Europe without depending on a 'single source' (India), as he had thumbed his chest last year. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Before the pharma deal now, Muizzu had gone back on his muscle-flexing on commissioning annual supplies of essentials, including rice, sugar, and wheat flour, from distant Turkey, again to limit dependence on a 'single source'. It happened after the Houthis' attacks in the Red Sea provided a legitimate excuse for Erdogan to possibly go back on his purported promise during Muizzu's visit only weeks after assuming office in November 2023. In Male, PM Modi also inaugurated multiple India-funded projects and handed over the keys to owners under a housing scheme. In a city with the highest population density for a South Asian capital, urban housing is still politically and electorally sensitive. Balanced FTA Of equal importance is one setting the terms of reference for further discussions on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between India and Maldives. For now, Maldives especially has learnt a lot from the hurried FTA President Yameen signed with China in 2017 but whose implementation he and his successor, President Ibrahim 'Ibu' Solih, both did not take up. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Now, after implementing the China FTA since January 1 this year, Muizzu has found out that Maldives was losing scarce revenue, big time. Maldivians were spending dollars in big numbers, not only in conventional trade but also through online sales of Chinese goods, airlifted mostly out of Hong Kong. In recent months, this has affected small and medium traders in the country. They form a key electoral constituency. But then a 30 per cent service tax on specified online trade firms dealing in Chinese goods has not helped after the latter introduced equal discounts for their Maldivian customers. This would engage Indian negotiators as they work out the details of the Indian FTA in the coming weeks and months. They will also have another example in the Sri Lanka-Maldives FTA, which was signed during President Dissanayake's visit, post-Modi's. National dichotomy Maldives' woes owe to the nation living beyond its means. This has an indirect impact on national security and foreign policy that flows from over-dependence on external assistance. In the name of upholding national security and sovereignty viz the ever-helpful Indian neighbour, presidents like Yameen and Muizzu welcomed extra-regional powers, especially China. It only complicated the nation's security situation even more. They too silently acknowledged post facto that China had a larger scheme in which the Maldives was only a speck, and they could do nothing about it if sucked in more than ready. But domestic compulsions stood in the way of Yameen applying the correctives. With little choice after he found out that China, and also Turkey, did not match word with action, Muizzu at least is on a course correction viz India relations. Maldives' problems reside in the economic sphere. In a 500,000-population, half of whom are on the electoral list, first-time voters in their thousands are jobless. They tend to side with him who promises the moon. Frustration has already driven them to drugs, and the puritans among them tend to take to religious radicalisation—in the absence of any left political movement. Skill sets & FDI All these when available jobs, again in tens of thousands, are going to foreigners, mostly Bangladeshis but with a sizable sprinkling of Indians and some Sri Lankans, too. This is because local youth ambitions are not matched by skill sets that can attract big-ticket FDI in non-tourism sectors, too. Competitive populism is the bane. Every post-democracy president, including incumbent Muizzu, promised to set matters right but has been swept away by electoral compulsions. Going back to the days of 'elected autocracy' is not an option, but that is what successive post-democracy presidents have attempted in their own ways—but failed on both fronts. The people simply threw them out in favour of yet another untested individual, whose face was relatively fresh and whose promises looked beneficial. All of it often leads to situations wherein incumbent governments are tempted to fall back even more on external economic assistance, but in terms of 'competitive ideology', though none exists. Successful experience Muizzu is working closely with India for economic recovery that is unlikely to happen without Maldives helping itself. Given India's successful experience in pulling itself out of the fiscal/economic mess that it found itself in the early nineties, the Maldivian government, as a democracy, can also seek guidance in the matter, after downsizing them to Maldivian levels. In 2013, President Yameen's foreign policy document claimed that his government would make the nation economically strong to be able to have an 'independent foreign and security policy'. The reference was, of course, to India. He failed on the first count, so his government did not reach the second stage, despite his wooing China, as if the nation had a panacea for Maldives' ills. Muizzu began by placing himself in such a conundrum but has been quick to retrieve at least some of the lost ground. How he proceeds from here will decide the future for the Maldives and strategic peace for the region's nations, including India and Sri Lanka. That is where the Maldives' strategic reset should begin, where the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) could provide a basis for defining/redefining the nation's priorities in the present and the future. Such an approach alone can help the Maldives and Muizzu to achieve what they intend to achieve on the domestic front. That is without them having to invite and/or facilitate complex competitive competition between superpower America and wannabe superpower China, both of whom do not belong here but want to be here through proxies. The writer is a Chennai-based Policy Analyst & Political Commentator. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
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Business Standard
10 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Epson launches EpiqVision Mini laser projectors in India from Rs 99,999
Epson introduces EpiqVision Mini EF-22N and EF-21W laser projectors in India for home use with fullHD projection resolution, Dolby Audio, Google TV, and 150-inch projection EpiqVision Mini EF-21W and EF-22N New Delhi Japanese imaging solutions company Epson has launched two new smart laser projectors in India –EpiqVision Mini EF-22N and EF-21W. Designed for home entertainment, the portable projectors feature Full HD resolution, Dolby Audio, and built-in Google TV in a compact and stylish design. Price and availability Epson EpiqVision Mini EF-22N: Rs 119,999 Epson EpiqVision Mini EF-21W: Rs 99,999 Epson is offering a warranty of three years or 20,000 hours, whichever comes earlier. EpiqVision Mini EF-22N and EF-21W: Features Both projectors offer a maximum display size of 150-inch in fullHD (1920 x 1080p) resolution. They deliver a brightness of 1,000 lumens for both colour and white, promising vibrant and clear visuals even under ambient lighting. Support for HDR10 and HLG further enhances contrast and clarity. For audio, both projectors come with dual 5W speakers tuned with Dolby Audio. The EpiqVision Mini EF-22N also features a built-in adjustable stand offering 360-degree horizontal and 150-degree vertical movement. Both models sport a metallic build for enhanced portability. Equipped with Google TV, the projectors allow access to a wide range of content from streaming services. They also support Google Cast, enabling content sharing from smartphones, tablets, or laptops without the need for additional devices. Powered by a laser light source, both models offer up to 20,000 hours of maintenance-free operation. Epson said the projectors are energy-efficient and reflect its commitment to environmental sustainability. Key specifications
Business Standard
10 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Anmol Jewellers Launches Anmol Accents: Everyday Fine Luxury Jewellery for the Modern Indian Woman
NewsVoir Mumbai (Maharashtra) [India], July 29: Anmol Jewellers, one of India's most trusted names in fine jewellery, is excited to announce the launch of Anmol Accents, a fresh new jewellery line created for the modern Indian woman on the go. Designed as a collection of everyday-luxury pieces, Anmol Accents brings Anmol's legacy craftsmanship into today's world: versatile, wearable, and personal. Founded in 1986 by Ishu Datwani, Anmol Jewellers has spent nearly four decades building a reputation for timeless design, handcrafted quality, and a loyal clientele that includes Bollywood icons and legacy families. From bespoke bridal sets to statement jewels, Anmol has helped shape India's fine jewellery landscape. Now, the legacy grows with a new chapter Anmol Accents isn't just a new label. It's a new way of thinking about jewellery. Conceptualised and developed by Trisha Datwani Anand, second-generation jeweller and founder of Anmol Accents, this line is all about modern women who define luxury in their own way, balancing ambition, identity, and everything in between. Her belief is simple: luxury doesn't need to be loud to be powerful. "This isn't just a launch, it's a beginning," Trisha shares. "Accents is my way of saying: I see you. Because I am you." For Trisha, a second-generation jeweller, Anmol Accents is more than just a new collection. It's a personal project shaped by her own experience with leadership, marriage, and life transitions. "Luxury has always been personal for Anmol. Today, women want more than just adornment. They want stories, subtle but distinct craftsmanship, intention with fluidity and ease. Anmol Accents is about celebrating their everyday: the meetings, the milestones, the mood shifts. These are jewellery piece accents that accompany you as you grow into the person you're meant to be." said Trisha Datwani Anand. Who Is the Anmol Accents Woman? Anmol Accents celebrates women navigating work, home, and everything in between. Whether she's a young mom, a newlywed, or building a business, jewellery is part of her everyday identity, not just an occasional indulgence. Curious, self-aware, and expressive, she sees jewellery not as an occasional indulgence but as part of her everyday identity. From reimagined mangalsutras to sleek gold hoops and delicate bracelets stacked for a coffee run, Anmol Accents offers finely crafted pieces that blend fashion, function, and feeling, thoughtfully designed to move with her, wherever the day takes her. With everyday jewellery priced under INR 5,00,000, this collection offers the perfect blend of quiet confidence and accessible luxury, ideal for styling, gifting, or celebrating yourself. "Anmol has always been a brand of firsts, and Accents is another one continuing that legacy," said Ishu Datwani, Founder of Anmol Jewellers. "It's not just jewellery for special occasions. It's for women writing their own definitions of luxury, every single day. We're proud to watch Trisha build this, thoughtfully, boldly, beautifully." Empowering Women Beyond Jewellery: Anmol's Partnership with Srujna Charitable Trust During the launch, Anmol Accents announced its CSR support to Srujna Charitable Trust, supporting their Super Didi Program. The initiative helps underserved women across India develop entrepreneurial skills, digital literacy, and leadership abilities. Through 12 Super Didis, it aims to impact 240 women across six locations, creating livelihood opportunities and community leadership. Anmol partnered with Srujna as both share a similar vision: empowering women from the grassroots to the boardroom, which is in line with Anmol Accents' belief in supporting women navigating multiple roles with confidence and self-expression. Spoken Word Meets Jewellery: A Campaign About Women's Stories As part of the launch, Anmol Accents introduced a spoken word poetry campaign that gives voice to modern women's everyday experiences, from ambition and self-doubt to quiet strength and resilience. Featuring 50 original poems, the campaign covers themes such as 'The Power of No,' 'Imposter Syndrome,' and 'The Pay Gap.' The videos will roll out from August 2025 across Anmol's digital platforms. Anmol Accents is now available at Anmol's flagship store in Mumbai. For more details, you can reach out to Khushbu at 7039539187 or visit
