Donald Trump to meet U.S. troops in Qatar as he rejects America's 'interventionist' past in region
President Donald Trump on Thursday (May 15, 2025) would visit a U.S. installation at the centre of American involvement in the Middle East as he uses his four-day visit to Gulf states to reject the 'interventionism' of America's past in the region.
Mr. Trump plans to address troops at Qatar's al-Udeid Air Base, which was a major staging ground during the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and supported the recent U.S. air campaign against Yemen's Iran-backed Houthis. The President has held up Gulf nations such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar as models for economic development in a region plagued by conflict as he works to entice Iran to come to terms with his administration on a deal to curb its nuclear programme.
Before addressing the troops, President Trump would take part in a roundtable with business leaders. The group includes top executives from Boeing, GE Aerospace and Al Rabban Capital.
Later on Thursday (May 15, 2025), he would travel to Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates for the final leg of his Mideast tour and visit the Sheikh Zayed Grand Mosque and be honored with a state visit with UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan at the Qasr Al Watan palace.
Mr. Trump has also used his trip to announce plans to recognise the government of Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa and to ease sanctions on the war-torn country. The U.S. has deployed more than 1,000 troops in Syria for years to suppress a return of the Islamic State group.
Mr. Trump heaped praise on Al-Sharaa, who was tied to al-Qaida and joined insurgents battling U.S. forces in Iraq before entering the Syrian civil war, after the two met in Saudi Arabia on Wednesday (May 14, 2025) The President called Al-Sharaa a 'young, attractive guy. Tough guy. Strong past. Very strong past. Fighter.'
It was a stark contrast from earlier years, when Al-Sharaa was imprisoned by U.S. troops in Iraq. Until December, there was a $10 million U.S. bounty for his arrest.
President Trump, speaking in Saudi Arabia on his first day in the region, told Gulf leaders, 'It's really incredible what you've done. In the end, the so-called nation builders wrecked far more nations than they built, and the 'interventionalists' were intervening in complex societies that they did not even understand themselves.'
The Qatari base houses some 8,000 U.S. troops, down from about 10,000 at the height of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.
The gas-rich Gulf country has spent some $8 billion over two decades in developing the base, built on a flat stretch of desert about 20 miles (30 km) southwest of Qatar's capital, Doha. The base was once considered so sensitive that American military officers would say only that it was somewhere 'in southwest Asia'.
Mr. Trump said he and the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, would also see a demonstration of American air capability, as the U.S. leader looks to boost defence exports to the region.
'You're buying a lot of that equipment actually,' Mr. Trump said on Wednesday (May 14, 2025) when he and Sheikh Tamim signed a series of bilateral and business agreements between the two countries. 'And I think we're going to see some of it in action tomorrow at the — we won't call it an air fair, but it's going to be sort of an air fair. We're going to be showing a display that's going to be incredible. They have the latest and the greatest of our planes and just about everything else.'
Among the agreements the two leaders signed on Wednesday (May 14, 2025) was a document clearing the way for Qatar to purchase American-made MQ-9B drones — the export version of the Reaper.
Mr. Trump told Al-Sharaa that he wanted the new government to take control of prisons in Syria holding Islamic State fighters and their family members, who are currently guarded by U.S.-backed Kurdish fighters. If it comes to pass, it would further reduce the need for U.S. troops in the country.
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Mint
27 minutes ago
- Mint
A family's decade-long search for children stolen by Assad's regime
DAMASCUS—The resemblance was striking. The boy in the photograph had the family's same thick eyebrows and looked about 17, the same age Ahmed Yaseen would now be—if he was still alive. Could it be him, his aunt Naila al-Abbasi wondered? More than 12 years had passed since the boy and his five sisters had disappeared, after Syrian military intelligence detained them and their parents in the early years of the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad. Six months after rebels toppled the Assad regime in a seismic moment for the Middle East, many Syrians are still searching for missing relatives, including an estimated 3,700 children. An investigation by The Wall Street Journal, based on secret documents from the Assad regime and conversations with former detainees and corroborated by Syria's current government, found that at least 300 children like Ahmed were forcibly separated from their families and placed in orphanages after being detained during the country's civil war. 'He looks very similar," said al-Abbasi, who had scrolled through hundreds of photographs on Syrian orphanages' websites before finding this one. 'The nose, even the mouth." More than 112,000 Syrians arrested since the start of an uprising against Assad in 2011 remain unaccounted for, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights. That figure is comparable to the number of people who have disappeared in Mexico's drug wars, though Syria's population is only a fifth the size. Children are often used to punish or pressure opponents in war. Russia has taken thousands of children from Ukraine. Decades after Argentina's military dictatorship ended, families are still finding missing relatives seized as newborns and adopted by military couples. Dealing with this brutal legacy is a crucial challenge for the new Syria, whose government, led by an Islamist group that cut its past ties with al Qaeda, is trying to assert its control over a country riven by sectarian tensions. Syria's presidency said in May that it will set up commissions to probe crimes committed under Assad, compensate victims and trace the missing. But it is a huge and complex task for a government beset with other pressing issues, including a battered economy. Failure to address the issue of missing people 'could contribute to cycles of violence," said Kathryne Bomberger, director general of the International Commission on Missing Persons. At the time of their abduction, the Yaseen children were living in the relatively affluent Dumar neighborhood of Damascus. Their mother, Rania al-Abbasi, was a national chess champion who ran a successful dental clinic. In photographs Rania posted on social media, the children are pictured smiling alongside SpongeBob and Spider-Man performers during a trip to Syria's coast. Other pictures show Ahmed on a playground swing; wearing a cardboard crown; and with his hair gelled neatly into a crest. When the uprising against Assad began, relatives urged them to leave Syria. The family had a history with the regime: Rania's father—a prominent religious scholar—had spent 13 years in prison under Assad's father, President Hafez al-Assad, because of his oppositional views. Islamists were often considered a threat by the secular Assad regime. After Rania's father was released, the family went into exile in Saudi Arabia, where Ahmed was born. But his parents wanted to raise him and his sisters where they had roots and returned to Damascus in 2009. 'She thought she was safe," said Rania's younger sister, Naila, a doctor who remained in Saudi Arabia with much of the family. Between six children and work, Rania had no time to get involved in political activity or protests, even if she supported their demands. But she did give generously to Syrians displaced by the government's crackdown. And her father, from abroad, had voiced support for the uprising. It was enough to bring the regime's fist down on the family. On March 9, 2013, Syrian intelligence agents came for Rania's husband, Abdurrahman Yaseen. Two days later, they returned and took Ahmed and the other children, between 1 and 14 years old, along with their mother. The father's fate eventually came to light in a cache of 50,000 images smuggled out of Syria by a forensic photographer who defected in 2013. The grim catalog contained photographs of some 6,786 Syrians who had died in custody, some with their eyes gouged out. Among the images was one of Abdurrahman. Still, there was no sign of Ahmed, his siblings or Rania. The strongest lead came from another mother who had been detained with her children the year after al-Abbasi and her family. Freed in a prisoner exchange in 2017, Rasha al-Sharbaji revealed that security services had seized her five children and placed them in an orphanage run by SOS Children's Villages, an international charity with several locations in Syria. She said she recovered her children from the charity after being released. Asking around, relatives learned that four sisters with age gaps similar to four of the Yaseen girls were living in one of the centers of SOS Children's Villages. But orphanage staff were too afraid to speak, according to family members, and a lawyer appointed to ask the authorities received no answers. After the regime crumbled in December, thousands of prisoners stumbled out of fetid prison cells as Syrians celebrated in the streets. Scattered abroad, members of the extended family mobilized a fresh search, including approaching SOS Children's Villages again. In a statement, its Syria operation acknowledged it had received 139 children 'without proper documentation" between 2014 and 2018, when it demanded the authorities stop placing such cases in its care. Most of those children were returned to authorities under the former regime, SOS Children's Villages said, citing an audit into past records. The Journal couldn't determine what happened to them later. 'We regret the untenable situation we found ourselves in when receiving the children and unequivocally disapprove of such practices," it said. The group said it had taken steps to ensure it didn't happen again. The organization has since filed a claim with Damascus's public prosecutor to open an official investigation into the Yaseen children's disappearance. It said there was no record they had ever been placed in SOS Children's Villages' care. The family expanded their search to other orphanages. Baraa al-Ayoubi, director of the al-Rahma orphanage in Damascus, said Syrian security agents had placed 100 children of detainees in her care over the course of the war, but none of them belonged to Rania. The orphanage was forbidden to disclose details about the children, even to their relatives, when Assad was in power, she said. Eventually, all the children were handed back to their parents, she said. Records in the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, which has authority over orphanages, confirmed the practice was official. Tucked away in bulging files were secret communiqués from Syria's intelligence services, seen by a Journal reporter, instructing the ministry to transfer detainees' children to orphanages. An investigation launched by the ministry found a document indicating that SOS Children's Villages had returned the Yaseen children to the former regime. But the family wasn't convinced the document, which wasn't on official letterhead, was real. SOS Children's Villages declined to confirm whether it was authentic. A search of the ministry's archives identified about 300 children who were transferred to four orphanages in Damascus, said spokesman Saad al-Jaberi. But many documents have likely been lost, Jaberi said, and the answers that relatives of the 3,700 missing children are seeking may lie elsewhere. 'There are many mass graves," he said. As the search foundered, the children's aunt, Naila, traveled to Damascus from Saudi Arabia, returning to her home country for the first time since before the uprising. Opening the door to her sister's apartment, it was as though time had stopped on the day the family was taken 12 years earlier. Dust-covered school books were stacked neatly on the dining-room table. The refrigerator's contents had rotted beyond recognition. In a notebook belonging to the second-eldest child, there were declarations of love for Syria. 'We'll stay in Syria until you leave, Bashar," wrote Najah Yaseen, who was 11 at the time the family was detained. A cigarette butt on a tray was the only apparent trace left by the security men. Another document, collected by civil-society groups from Syria's air force intelligence, indicated that Rania had been transferred to another branch of the security apparatus in 2014. There was no reference to the children, suggesting they might have been separated by then. The family could only assume she had been killed, but they wouldn't give up on the children. Family members studied photographs on orphanage websites and official channels of the former Syrian government. A girl in a promotional video for SOS Children's Villages strongly resembled one of the Yaseen girls, Dima, who would now be 25. SOS Children's Villages insisted she was someone else. Family members weren't sure they would recognize the children today, so a family friend used artificial intelligence to visualize what they might look like now. After seeing the boy who resembled Ahmed on the website of Lahn al-Hayat, another orphanage, the family tracked him down. His name was Omar Abdurrahman—not Ahmed Yaseen—but other children who grew up in the orphanage said their identities had been changed. Orphanage administrators declined to comment. He couldn't remember anything about his life before the orphanage. But maybe the trauma of being detained at the age of 5 had erased his memories—and the likeness was undeniable. While family members waited for a DNA test to settle any doubt, Omar began referring to the missing boy's aunts as his own. When he saw a photograph of Ahmed, he recognized himself. 'That's me when I was young," he said. Weeks went by before a laboratory finally processed the test. The result came back negative. The boy remained at the orphanage. For the Abbasi family, the search continues. Write to Isabel Coles at
Indian Express
28 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Trump vs Musk: Call the breakup poetic justice. Call it karmic crypto-collapse. Just don't call it surprising
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Time of India
28 minutes ago
- Time of India
Musk-Trump breakup exposes cracks in Wall Street's meme casino
Live Events Bloomberg You Might Also Like: Musk-Trump breakup puts billions in SpaceX contracts at risk, jolting US space program Bloomberg It took less than a day for the great Donald Trump-Elon Musk split to reshape debates over billionaire power and influence in American another level, the breakup was a reminder of something else: the perils of personality-driven investing, a growing and lucrative business for the Wall Street bankers cranking out, rapid-fire, a never-ending array of new financial products. Few have done more to fuel these gambling spirits than the president and the world's richest a matter of hours, a loosely connected web of Musk-linked trades — and a few tied to Trump — cratered as the public feud escalated. Dogecoin sank 10%; a publicly traded fund dangling SpaceX exploration for retail consumption slid 13%; leveraged bets amping up returns on Musk-related ventures lost a quarter of their value or more. Shares of Trump's media company spat — ignited by the deficit-expanding tax bill threatening Tesla's electric-vehicle subsidies — cooled on Friday and asset valuations steadied. But by then, investors had gotten the message loud and clear. 'You can go from being an incredible beneficiary one moment and then being bludgeoned the next,' said Peter Atwater, founder of Financial Insyghts. 'Anytime you are investing in something that is as crowded as these Elon Musk-related vehicles, you are going to be either the beneficiary or the victim of his standing.'The breakup drama was backdrop to a comparatively sleepy week in regular markets. The S&P 500 ended the week 1.5% higher, while the extended FANG index — which doesn't include Tesla — hit a record. The dollar touched its lowest level in about two years. Ten-year Treasury yields jumped more than 10 basis points this week, as Friday's jobs data eased concerns about an imminent economic for the casino crowd on Thursday, things got ugly. These investors aren't just trading stocks or crypto, they're paying for proximity to dominant personalities. Tesla is a financial avatar for Musk's ambitions. Trump's political resurgence reverberates across his media company, his fast-expanding crypto empire and MAGA-theme products across the broader industry. Each post, endorsement and headline is a chance to pull capital into the retail investment hasn't just drawn in risk junkies — it's built an entire product architecture, from speculative bets to more conventional funds tied to the fortunes of billionaire Musk. Vehicles like Baron Partners Fund and the Ark Innovation ETF got caught up in the selloff before markets rebounded on sharp rout — its worst week since 2023 — was fueled by projections that the company faces a $1 billion hit to full-year profit, if it loses a tax credit from Trump's bill. Meanwhile, the president's businesses pushed deeper into the financial ecosystem. His media company was one step closer to launching the Truth Social Bitcoin ETF, the latest in a string of crypto-linked assets and 'MAGA'-themed investment those with the nerve to dive into the newfangled, the gains have been eye-popping at times. A closed-end fund with Space-X exposure, Destiny Tech100 Inc., surged about 500% in just a month after the Nov. 5 election. Dogecoin went from 15 cents to above 43 cents in November, when Ark surged by 26% in less than two spirits have run high since the pandemic but soared anew after Trump buddied up with Musk on the campaign trail and won the White House, backed by the $250 million the Tesla founder spent on the meme ethos was cemented when Musk's program to cut government spending took its name from a crypto token born as a canine-themed joke.'I put him in the separate category of the Zeus of personality cults, beyond anything that has ever happened,' said Jay Hatfield, CEO of Infrastructure Capital Management. 'We've never had anybody running a major company like him.'The result has been a speculative spasm that, until this week, was often insulated from old-school markets convulsed by Trump's on-again-off-again tariff threats. An element of the craze that infuriates Wall Street's old guard — the near-impossibility of forming a valuation case around things like crypto tokens and public vehicles for private holdings — proved a virtue at a time of rampant economic uncertainty.'Retail traders — the bro trade component of retail — they've never really cared much about fundamentals,' said Dave Mazza, Chief Executive Officer at Roundhill Investments who in February launched a Tesla-focused product. 'These folks really believe in the narrative on stocks like Tesla and Palantir Technologies Inc. Some of these names are really dependent upon a dream premium and not what they actually do for business.'Another case in point: 16% of ETFs launched this year offer single-security strategies that use either leverage or options overlay, according to Bloomberg Intelligence's Athanasios Psarofagis. That's a record. Many target retail investors who trade aggressively, take on higher risk, and use them for dip buying.'The rise of degen leverage and derivative products on the highest profile stocks makes a mockery of the idea that the market is 'allocating capital' in any rational way,' says Dave Nadig, an ETF industry expert. 'It's immensely profitable. That's why very few people are even suggesting there are any issues in ETF land.'
