logo
A family's decade-long search for children stolen by Assad's regime

A family's decade-long search for children stolen by Assad's regime

Mint11 hours ago

DAMASCUS—The resemblance was striking. The boy in the photograph had the family's same thick eyebrows and looked about 17, the same age Ahmed Yaseen would now be—if he was still alive.
Could it be him, his aunt Naila al-Abbasi wondered? More than 12 years had passed since the boy and his five sisters had disappeared, after Syrian military intelligence detained them and their parents in the early years of the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad.
Six months after rebels toppled the Assad regime in a seismic moment for the Middle East, many Syrians are still searching for missing relatives, including an estimated 3,700 children.
An investigation by The Wall Street Journal, based on secret documents from the Assad regime and conversations with former detainees and corroborated by Syria's current government, found that at least 300 children like Ahmed were forcibly separated from their families and placed in orphanages after being detained during the country's civil war.
'He looks very similar," said al-Abbasi, who had scrolled through hundreds of photographs on Syrian orphanages' websites before finding this one. 'The nose, even the mouth."
More than 112,000 Syrians arrested since the start of an uprising against Assad in 2011 remain unaccounted for, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights. That figure is comparable to the number of people who have disappeared in Mexico's drug wars, though Syria's population is only a fifth the size.
Children are often used to punish or pressure opponents in war. Russia has taken thousands of children from Ukraine. Decades after Argentina's military dictatorship ended, families are still finding missing relatives seized as newborns and adopted by military couples.
Dealing with this brutal legacy is a crucial challenge for the new Syria, whose government, led by an Islamist group that cut its past ties with al Qaeda, is trying to assert its control over a country riven by sectarian tensions. Syria's presidency said in May that it will set up commissions to probe crimes committed under Assad, compensate victims and trace the missing.
But it is a huge and complex task for a government beset with other pressing issues, including a battered economy.
Failure to address the issue of missing people 'could contribute to cycles of violence," said Kathryne Bomberger, director general of the International Commission on Missing Persons.
At the time of their abduction, the Yaseen children were living in the relatively affluent Dumar neighborhood of Damascus. Their mother, Rania al-Abbasi, was a national chess champion who ran a successful dental clinic.
In photographs Rania posted on social media, the children are pictured smiling alongside SpongeBob and Spider-Man performers during a trip to Syria's coast. Other pictures show Ahmed on a playground swing; wearing a cardboard crown; and with his hair gelled neatly into a crest.
When the uprising against Assad began, relatives urged them to leave Syria. The family had a history with the regime: Rania's father—a prominent religious scholar—had spent 13 years in prison under Assad's father, President Hafez al-Assad, because of his oppositional views. Islamists were often considered a threat by the secular Assad regime.
After Rania's father was released, the family went into exile in Saudi Arabia, where Ahmed was born. But his parents wanted to raise him and his sisters where they had roots and returned to Damascus in 2009.
'She thought she was safe," said Rania's younger sister, Naila, a doctor who remained in Saudi Arabia with much of the family. Between six children and work, Rania had no time to get involved in political activity or protests, even if she supported their demands.
But she did give generously to Syrians displaced by the government's crackdown. And her father, from abroad, had voiced support for the uprising. It was enough to bring the regime's fist down on the family.
On March 9, 2013, Syrian intelligence agents came for Rania's husband, Abdurrahman Yaseen. Two days later, they returned and took Ahmed and the other children, between 1 and 14 years old, along with their mother.
The father's fate eventually came to light in a cache of 50,000 images smuggled out of Syria by a forensic photographer who defected in 2013. The grim catalog contained photographs of some 6,786 Syrians who had died in custody, some with their eyes gouged out. Among the images was one of Abdurrahman.
Still, there was no sign of Ahmed, his siblings or Rania.
The strongest lead came from another mother who had been detained with her children the year after al-Abbasi and her family. Freed in a prisoner exchange in 2017, Rasha al-Sharbaji revealed that security services had seized her five children and placed them in an orphanage run by SOS Children's Villages, an international charity with several locations in Syria. She said she recovered her children from the charity after being released.
Asking around, relatives learned that four sisters with age gaps similar to four of the Yaseen girls were living in one of the centers of SOS Children's Villages. But orphanage staff were too afraid to speak, according to family members, and a lawyer appointed to ask the authorities received no answers.
After the regime crumbled in December, thousands of prisoners stumbled out of fetid prison cells as Syrians celebrated in the streets.
Scattered abroad, members of the extended family mobilized a fresh search, including approaching SOS Children's Villages again.
In a statement, its Syria operation acknowledged it had received 139 children 'without proper documentation" between 2014 and 2018, when it demanded the authorities stop placing such cases in its care.
Most of those children were returned to authorities under the former regime, SOS Children's Villages said, citing an audit into past records. The Journal couldn't determine what happened to them later.
'We regret the untenable situation we found ourselves in when receiving the children and unequivocally disapprove of such practices," it said. The group said it had taken steps to ensure it didn't happen again.
The organization has since filed a claim with Damascus's public prosecutor to open an official investigation into the Yaseen children's disappearance. It said there was no record they had ever been placed in SOS Children's Villages' care.
The family expanded their search to other orphanages.
Baraa al-Ayoubi, director of the al-Rahma orphanage in Damascus, said Syrian security agents had placed 100 children of detainees in her care over the course of the war, but none of them belonged to Rania.
The orphanage was forbidden to disclose details about the children, even to their relatives, when Assad was in power, she said. Eventually, all the children were handed back to their parents, she said.
Records in the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, which has authority over orphanages, confirmed the practice was official. Tucked away in bulging files were secret communiqués from Syria's intelligence services, seen by a Journal reporter, instructing the ministry to transfer detainees' children to orphanages.
An investigation launched by the ministry found a document indicating that SOS Children's Villages had returned the Yaseen children to the former regime. But the family wasn't convinced the document, which wasn't on official letterhead, was real. SOS Children's Villages declined to confirm whether it was authentic.
A search of the ministry's archives identified about 300 children who were transferred to four orphanages in Damascus, said spokesman Saad al-Jaberi.
But many documents have likely been lost, Jaberi said, and the answers that relatives of the 3,700 missing children are seeking may lie elsewhere.
'There are many mass graves," he said.
As the search foundered, the children's aunt, Naila, traveled to Damascus from Saudi Arabia, returning to her home country for the first time since before the uprising.
Opening the door to her sister's apartment, it was as though time had stopped on the day the family was taken 12 years earlier. Dust-covered school books were stacked neatly on the dining-room table. The refrigerator's contents had rotted beyond recognition.
In a notebook belonging to the second-eldest child, there were declarations of love for Syria. 'We'll stay in Syria until you leave, Bashar," wrote Najah Yaseen, who was 11 at the time the family was detained.
A cigarette butt on a tray was the only apparent trace left by the security men.
Another document, collected by civil-society groups from Syria's air force intelligence, indicated that Rania had been transferred to another branch of the security apparatus in 2014. There was no reference to the children, suggesting they might have been separated by then.
The family could only assume she had been killed, but they wouldn't give up on the children.
Family members studied photographs on orphanage websites and official channels of the former Syrian government. A girl in a promotional video for SOS Children's Villages strongly resembled one of the Yaseen girls, Dima, who would now be 25. SOS Children's Villages insisted she was someone else.
Family members weren't sure they would recognize the children today, so a family friend used artificial intelligence to visualize what they might look like now.
After seeing the boy who resembled Ahmed on the website of Lahn al-Hayat, another orphanage, the family tracked him down. His name was Omar Abdurrahman—not Ahmed Yaseen—but other children who grew up in the orphanage said their identities had been changed. Orphanage administrators declined to comment.
He couldn't remember anything about his life before the orphanage. But maybe the trauma of being detained at the age of 5 had erased his memories—and the likeness was undeniable.
While family members waited for a DNA test to settle any doubt, Omar began referring to the missing boy's aunts as his own. When he saw a photograph of Ahmed, he recognized himself.
'That's me when I was young," he said.
Weeks went by before a laboratory finally processed the test. The result came back negative.
The boy remained at the orphanage. For the Abbasi family, the search continues.
Write to Isabel Coles at isabel.coles@wsj.com

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Bangladesh: BNP says national elections in April 2026 'not suitable in any way'
Bangladesh: BNP says national elections in April 2026 'not suitable in any way'

Hans India

time3 hours ago

  • Hans India

Bangladesh: BNP says national elections in April 2026 'not suitable in any way'

Dhaka: In yet another major embarrassment for Bangladesh's interim government, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) on Saturday rejected Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus' call for holding national elections in April 2026. Yunus on Friday said that the country's next national elections will be held "on a day in April", next year. In a televised speech to the nation on the eve of the festival of Eid al-Adha, Yunus also said that the country's Election Commission will present a detailed roadmap of the election at an "appropriate time". However, various political parties in the country slammed the move within a few hours of Yunus making the announcement. BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir told local media in Dhaka on Saturday that April is "not suitable in any way" for holding national elections. "April is not the right time for holding polls in Bangladesh. There will be the possibility of extreme heat, storms and rains during the period. And, the time is right after Ramadan... There are public examinations as well," said Alamgir. He mentioned that holding elections in April would mean conducting polling campaigns during the month of Ramadan, which would not be suitable at all. "We think December will be most suitable for polls... We gave our reaction yesterday. We have always demanded that we wanted the election by December, and so was the expectation of the people," he said. During his address on Friday, Yunus also outlined the "achievements" of the Interim Government over the past 10 months and stressed that it has been working on the three-point agenda of justice, reforms, and elections. Earlier, BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed had said that holding national elections in the country before December is "very much possible" as completing necessary reforms based on a consensus could take less than a month. "December is far too late. It is possible to hold the election before then. If the reform proposals, excluding those related to constitutional amendments, are accepted through national consensus, they can be implemented in less than a month," Salahuddin was quoted as saying by the local media. Reiterating that the BNP is yet to find any valid argument to justify delaying elections beyond December, Salahuddin further observed: "We are all in favour of democracy and a prompt election to establish the people's right to vote. There is not a single reason that justifies holding the election after December". The interim government led by Yunus has been facing increasing pressure from various political parties to hold elections by the end of this year. Last month, while addressing a rally virtually from London, BNP's Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman noted that alongside the reforms issue, the interim government must show "visible preparations" for holding the national elections. Meanwhile, Bangladesh's largest Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), which will be able to take part in the elections after a recent Supreme Court order, is not explicitly backing a December election date. JeI Ameer Shafiqur Rahman said on Saturday that the nation does not want another "questionable election" and stressed that a credible national election would only be possible if justice, reforms, the July Charter and July Declaration are ensured, along with a level-playing field. "We will cooperate with the Chief Advisor if he seeks our assistance. However, resolving the national crisis is crucial to holding free and fair elections," Rahman noted.

A family's decade-long search for children stolen by Assad's regime
A family's decade-long search for children stolen by Assad's regime

Mint

time11 hours ago

  • Mint

A family's decade-long search for children stolen by Assad's regime

DAMASCUS—The resemblance was striking. The boy in the photograph had the family's same thick eyebrows and looked about 17, the same age Ahmed Yaseen would now be—if he was still alive. Could it be him, his aunt Naila al-Abbasi wondered? More than 12 years had passed since the boy and his five sisters had disappeared, after Syrian military intelligence detained them and their parents in the early years of the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad. Six months after rebels toppled the Assad regime in a seismic moment for the Middle East, many Syrians are still searching for missing relatives, including an estimated 3,700 children. An investigation by The Wall Street Journal, based on secret documents from the Assad regime and conversations with former detainees and corroborated by Syria's current government, found that at least 300 children like Ahmed were forcibly separated from their families and placed in orphanages after being detained during the country's civil war. 'He looks very similar," said al-Abbasi, who had scrolled through hundreds of photographs on Syrian orphanages' websites before finding this one. 'The nose, even the mouth." More than 112,000 Syrians arrested since the start of an uprising against Assad in 2011 remain unaccounted for, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights. That figure is comparable to the number of people who have disappeared in Mexico's drug wars, though Syria's population is only a fifth the size. Children are often used to punish or pressure opponents in war. Russia has taken thousands of children from Ukraine. Decades after Argentina's military dictatorship ended, families are still finding missing relatives seized as newborns and adopted by military couples. Dealing with this brutal legacy is a crucial challenge for the new Syria, whose government, led by an Islamist group that cut its past ties with al Qaeda, is trying to assert its control over a country riven by sectarian tensions. Syria's presidency said in May that it will set up commissions to probe crimes committed under Assad, compensate victims and trace the missing. But it is a huge and complex task for a government beset with other pressing issues, including a battered economy. Failure to address the issue of missing people 'could contribute to cycles of violence," said Kathryne Bomberger, director general of the International Commission on Missing Persons. At the time of their abduction, the Yaseen children were living in the relatively affluent Dumar neighborhood of Damascus. Their mother, Rania al-Abbasi, was a national chess champion who ran a successful dental clinic. In photographs Rania posted on social media, the children are pictured smiling alongside SpongeBob and Spider-Man performers during a trip to Syria's coast. Other pictures show Ahmed on a playground swing; wearing a cardboard crown; and with his hair gelled neatly into a crest. When the uprising against Assad began, relatives urged them to leave Syria. The family had a history with the regime: Rania's father—a prominent religious scholar—had spent 13 years in prison under Assad's father, President Hafez al-Assad, because of his oppositional views. Islamists were often considered a threat by the secular Assad regime. After Rania's father was released, the family went into exile in Saudi Arabia, where Ahmed was born. But his parents wanted to raise him and his sisters where they had roots and returned to Damascus in 2009. 'She thought she was safe," said Rania's younger sister, Naila, a doctor who remained in Saudi Arabia with much of the family. Between six children and work, Rania had no time to get involved in political activity or protests, even if she supported their demands. But she did give generously to Syrians displaced by the government's crackdown. And her father, from abroad, had voiced support for the uprising. It was enough to bring the regime's fist down on the family. On March 9, 2013, Syrian intelligence agents came for Rania's husband, Abdurrahman Yaseen. Two days later, they returned and took Ahmed and the other children, between 1 and 14 years old, along with their mother. The father's fate eventually came to light in a cache of 50,000 images smuggled out of Syria by a forensic photographer who defected in 2013. The grim catalog contained photographs of some 6,786 Syrians who had died in custody, some with their eyes gouged out. Among the images was one of Abdurrahman. Still, there was no sign of Ahmed, his siblings or Rania. The strongest lead came from another mother who had been detained with her children the year after al-Abbasi and her family. Freed in a prisoner exchange in 2017, Rasha al-Sharbaji revealed that security services had seized her five children and placed them in an orphanage run by SOS Children's Villages, an international charity with several locations in Syria. She said she recovered her children from the charity after being released. Asking around, relatives learned that four sisters with age gaps similar to four of the Yaseen girls were living in one of the centers of SOS Children's Villages. But orphanage staff were too afraid to speak, according to family members, and a lawyer appointed to ask the authorities received no answers. After the regime crumbled in December, thousands of prisoners stumbled out of fetid prison cells as Syrians celebrated in the streets. Scattered abroad, members of the extended family mobilized a fresh search, including approaching SOS Children's Villages again. In a statement, its Syria operation acknowledged it had received 139 children 'without proper documentation" between 2014 and 2018, when it demanded the authorities stop placing such cases in its care. Most of those children were returned to authorities under the former regime, SOS Children's Villages said, citing an audit into past records. The Journal couldn't determine what happened to them later. 'We regret the untenable situation we found ourselves in when receiving the children and unequivocally disapprove of such practices," it said. The group said it had taken steps to ensure it didn't happen again. The organization has since filed a claim with Damascus's public prosecutor to open an official investigation into the Yaseen children's disappearance. It said there was no record they had ever been placed in SOS Children's Villages' care. The family expanded their search to other orphanages. Baraa al-Ayoubi, director of the al-Rahma orphanage in Damascus, said Syrian security agents had placed 100 children of detainees in her care over the course of the war, but none of them belonged to Rania. The orphanage was forbidden to disclose details about the children, even to their relatives, when Assad was in power, she said. Eventually, all the children were handed back to their parents, she said. Records in the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, which has authority over orphanages, confirmed the practice was official. Tucked away in bulging files were secret communiqués from Syria's intelligence services, seen by a Journal reporter, instructing the ministry to transfer detainees' children to orphanages. An investigation launched by the ministry found a document indicating that SOS Children's Villages had returned the Yaseen children to the former regime. But the family wasn't convinced the document, which wasn't on official letterhead, was real. SOS Children's Villages declined to confirm whether it was authentic. A search of the ministry's archives identified about 300 children who were transferred to four orphanages in Damascus, said spokesman Saad al-Jaberi. But many documents have likely been lost, Jaberi said, and the answers that relatives of the 3,700 missing children are seeking may lie elsewhere. 'There are many mass graves," he said. As the search foundered, the children's aunt, Naila, traveled to Damascus from Saudi Arabia, returning to her home country for the first time since before the uprising. Opening the door to her sister's apartment, it was as though time had stopped on the day the family was taken 12 years earlier. Dust-covered school books were stacked neatly on the dining-room table. The refrigerator's contents had rotted beyond recognition. In a notebook belonging to the second-eldest child, there were declarations of love for Syria. 'We'll stay in Syria until you leave, Bashar," wrote Najah Yaseen, who was 11 at the time the family was detained. A cigarette butt on a tray was the only apparent trace left by the security men. Another document, collected by civil-society groups from Syria's air force intelligence, indicated that Rania had been transferred to another branch of the security apparatus in 2014. There was no reference to the children, suggesting they might have been separated by then. The family could only assume she had been killed, but they wouldn't give up on the children. Family members studied photographs on orphanage websites and official channels of the former Syrian government. A girl in a promotional video for SOS Children's Villages strongly resembled one of the Yaseen girls, Dima, who would now be 25. SOS Children's Villages insisted she was someone else. Family members weren't sure they would recognize the children today, so a family friend used artificial intelligence to visualize what they might look like now. After seeing the boy who resembled Ahmed on the website of Lahn al-Hayat, another orphanage, the family tracked him down. His name was Omar Abdurrahman—not Ahmed Yaseen—but other children who grew up in the orphanage said their identities had been changed. Orphanage administrators declined to comment. He couldn't remember anything about his life before the orphanage. But maybe the trauma of being detained at the age of 5 had erased his memories—and the likeness was undeniable. While family members waited for a DNA test to settle any doubt, Omar began referring to the missing boy's aunts as his own. When he saw a photograph of Ahmed, he recognized himself. 'That's me when I was young," he said. Weeks went by before a laboratory finally processed the test. The result came back negative. The boy remained at the orphanage. For the Abbasi family, the search continues. Write to Isabel Coles at

3-year citizenship no more? Germany's new migration, visa freeze rules explained
3-year citizenship no more? Germany's new migration, visa freeze rules explained

Time of India

time12 hours ago

  • Time of India

3-year citizenship no more? Germany's new migration, visa freeze rules explained

Germany has taken a decisive step to tighten its immigration rules. On May 28, Chancellor Friedrich Merz's cabinet approved sweeping changes that aim to restrict family migration and extend the naturalisation timeline for migrants under subsidiary protection and other categories. A temporary two-year suspension has been placed on family reunification rights for those with subsidiary protection—refugees not granted full refugee status, such as many Syrians. These migrants cannot bring spouses or children to Germany during this period. Nearly 380,000 individuals currently hold this protection status, and about 120,000 family reunion visas were issued in 2024. The suspension is designed to ease pressure on integration and reception services across municipalities. Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt defended the move, citing that Germany's urban systems had reached their "breaking point" and could no longer accommodate the inflow without raising challenges for public services. Read more: 5 day trips from Noida that are super fun Fast-track citizenship abolished The government has abolished the previous 'fast-track' route that allowed specially integrated migrants to apply for citizenship after just three years of residency. Under the new rules, the minimum residency requirement for German citizenship uniformly increases to five years. Previously, migrants who demonstrated strong German skills and civic involvement could naturalise in only three years. Now, only foreigners married to German citizens will retain the three-year path—provided they've been married at least two years. What it means for Indians Germany hosts rising numbers of Indian professionals and students, although most are not under subsidiary protection. Still, the changes may affect certain vulnerable migrants and delay long-term settlement plans. Read more: Best of the Gulf: 8 iconic landmarks in the GCC that will blow your mind India remains a major contributor to Germany's skilled labour pool, with Berlin thoughtfully expanding visa programmes like the 'Opportunity Card' to address labour shortages. This reform reflects a complex balance: the government seeks to manage immigration more tightly while still attracting qualified workers. Germany's policy shift marks a tougher stance on migration. It restricts family reunification and extends naturalisation timelines—while retaining certain exceptions. Migrants aiming for a long-term future in Germany should carefully assess their status and track new legal developments. One step to a healthier you—join Times Health+ Yoga and feel the change

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store