logo
Türkiye marks 9 years since the failed  15 July coup

Türkiye marks 9 years since the failed  15 July coup

Mail & Guardian20 hours ago
Ambassador Nilvana
Turkiye witnessed the bloodiest coup attempt in its modern history on July 15, 2016, when Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) headed by Fethullah Gulen, a Turkish cleric and businessman who lived in self-imposed exile in the state of Pennsylvania in the US from 1999 until his passing in 2024, launched a coordinated attempt to topple President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's government. The terrorist group had been infiltrating the state for decades, using state resources, tools, equipment and weapons to stage a coup against the legitimate, elected government. In both scale and nature, it was unlike any other coup in the republic's history.
Turkiye has experienced eight coups and coup attempts over the past 60 years. This attempted coup in 2016 saw 252 people being killed and 2,734 being wounded.
In Pretoria, South Africa on 15 July 2025 The Maarif Foundation South Africa and Yunus Emre Institute, in collaboration with the University of Pretoria, hosted a timely panel discussion exploring how democracies resist unconstitutional changes of government. Drawing on the July 15, 2016 coup attempt, the event offered reflections and insights relevant to democratic resilience across the continent.
In her address Turkish Ambassador Nilvana Darama Yıldırımgeç said that Türkiye's experience holds important lessons that go beyond its borders and speak to the value of protecting democracy everywhere.
Important lessons worth noting from this heinous attempt include :
Democracy must be protected not just by governments, but by citizens themselves.
Unity is the greatest strength
The coup demonstrated how dangerous it is when illegal groups secretly infiltrate state institutions.
Strong leadership and a free media played a vital role.
Democracy is never guaranteed, it should be constantly defended by all generations.
This is not only a message for Türkiye, but for the world.
' Never take democracy for granted.'
Ambassador Yıldırımgeç went on to say that in an interconnected world, threats to democracy often cross borders. There are still individuals who participated in the 2016 coup who continue their activities abroad. Most commonly under the guise of education, media or civil society, their aim is to mislead public opinion against Turkiye.
'Remember – Democracy is not something we inherit — it is something we must build, protect, nurture, and defend every day. '
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘Nkabane epitomised political arrogance': Parties welcome former minister's axing
‘Nkabane epitomised political arrogance': Parties welcome former minister's axing

The Herald

timean hour ago

  • The Herald

‘Nkabane epitomised political arrogance': Parties welcome former minister's axing

'One Nkabane does not a renewed ANC make. There is a very long list of ANC corruption to be eradicated.' The MK Party (MKP) said the move was necessary and long overdue. 'The former minister's failure to account for the irregular and unlawful allocation of the Seta board positions raised serious questions about the government of national unity's governance, their lack of transparency and the severe political interference that has become characteristic of the former liberation movement,' said MKP spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela. 'It was evident the appointments disproportionately favoured individuals with strong ties to the ANC, a pattern that cannot be ignored in a constitutional democracy such as South Africa.' The ANC expressed confidence in the new leadership of Manamela and Dube-Ncube. 'The ANC is confident the new leadership team will advance access, equity, and quality in the higher education sector,' said ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu. 'We extend our gratitude to Nkabane for her service and wish her well in her future endeavours. The appointments reaffirm our commitment to a capable, ethical and developmental state.' Rise Mzansi leader Songezo Zibi also welcomed Nkabane's removal, citing her alleged misconduct in parliament. 'Nkabane epitomised political arrogance and showed an unrepentant disregard for what it means to be in service to the people of South Africa. While she no longer serves as a member of the executive, she must be held accountable by the joint committee on ethics and members' interests for misleading parliament and the people of South Africa.' ActionSA said Nkabane's tenure as minister was marked by 'failure, scandal and neglect'. It said: 'Her attempt to bury parliamentary questions under 800 pages of bureaucratic nonsense concealed, among other things, an R11.2m departmental travel spree.' TimesLIVE

In South Africa, when expectations collapse the poor revolt against the downtrodden foreigners
In South Africa, when expectations collapse the poor revolt against the downtrodden foreigners

Mail & Guardian

timean hour ago

  • Mail & Guardian

In South Africa, when expectations collapse the poor revolt against the downtrodden foreigners

'A rapidly widening gap between rising expectations and declining gratifications' heightens xenophobic reactions such as those of Operation Dudula. Photo: Hanna Brunlof (file) I want to explore the underlying logic of social revolts, not through the lens of history, but in light of South Africa's unfolding reality. In doing so, I draw on a theory advanced by James C Davies in Davies argued that revolutions do not erupt at the point of total despair, but at the point where hopes were once raised, only to be sharply reversed. That is, when people experience material and social improvement and begin to believe in a better future, only to watch it stall or decline, their anger becomes combustible. People do not revolt when they are hungry; they revolt when they are disappointed. Is this not South Africa today? We often forget how much South Africa has tried. The post-apartheid project promised not merely political freedom but social transformation. Millions gained access to housing, electricity, and education. Expectations surged. Black professionals entered middle-class suburbs. New universities opened their doors. A black president governed from the Union Buildings. But somewhere in the past 15 years, the curve bent the wrong way. Service delivery collapsed. Power cuts became the norm. Schools decayed, hospitals were under-equipped, and local government became synonymous with dysfunction. Corruption became casual, and state capture industrialised. For many, especially the youth, hope turned into a cruel joke. When the state retreats from its responsibilities, society reorganises itself often along dangerous lines. Into the void stepped the Government hospitals and clinics have become Let us be clear: targeting the poor because they are foreign is not a solution. But we must also be honest about what fuels these sentiments. It is not hatred of Africans. It is fear of losing what little remains, fear that democracy has stopped delivering. Davies warned us: revolts are not always rational. They Davies argued that revolts require more than the agitation of the poor. They demand the disillusionment of the middle class and the discomfort of those inside the state apparatus. South Africa's middle class, once viewed as democracy's success story, is now anxious. The Professionals grumble about medical aid premiums they can no longer afford. School fees continue to rise above inflation. Mortgages are already stretched thin. The possibility of future interest rate hikes adds to their anxiety. Even emigration, once an escape valve, is now difficult because the global economy is struggling. The cost of living is more expensive in other countries, which are less welcoming to migrants. There is a growing sense of being trapped: too educated to qualify as desperate, too exposed to shrug off decline. In January, more than 1800 junior doctors Davies warned that the state may not fall because the poor are angry. It may fall because those who once defended it stop believing it can be fixed. The cost-of-living crisis is not just an economic issue; it is a political warning shot. When the middle class feels it has more to lose than gain from the current order, history suggests that discontent is no longer a rumble but a drumbeat. In 2024, South Africans voted in an unprecedented way. The ANC The question that haunts most is this: if elections do not restore faith, what will? Davies would caution us: if the gap between expectation and reality widens, and if elections fail to bridge that gap, revolt is not a matter of if, but when. South Africa still has time. It is not yet in flames. But smoke is visible. The discontent is real. The warnings are present, in blocked roads, in looted trucks, in To restore faith, the state must punish corruption and deliver services. It must address migration through policy and consistent enforcement. It must invest in poor communities beyond slogans. It must make visible the gains of democracy, especially for those who have stopped feeling them. As Davies wrote, revolts begin in the mind long before they reach the streets. As has been seen throughout history, people will join revolutions when their expectations are frustrated, deliberately or through mistakes or miscalculations. May South Africa not be remembered as the country that inspired democratic hope, only to abandon it through neglect, inequality, and silence. Action is urgent, so that history remembers South Africa not for its failure to respond to deepening discontent, but for choosing accountability, justice, and renewal over disorder and decline. Tinashe Sithole is a post doctoral research fellow at the SARChI Chair African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy at the University of Johannesburg.

Paul Biya's presidential candidacy a crisis of democracy in Cameroon
Paul Biya's presidential candidacy a crisis of democracy in Cameroon

Mail & Guardian

time2 hours ago

  • Mail & Guardian

Paul Biya's presidential candidacy a crisis of democracy in Cameroon

Cameroon's president, Paul Biya, has been in power for four decades. Photo: Marco Longari/AFP On 14 July 2025, Paul Biya, Cameroon's 91-year-old president, Failure to confront this moment will also teach Africa's youth that formal politics offers neither accountability nor meaningful change. Cameroon has not experienced a peaceful transfer of power since independence. Power remains concentrated in the presidency, while opposition parties are The judiciary is subordinate to the executive and electoral bodies lack credibility. The system has grown accustomed to continuity rather than contestation and, over time, democracy has been reduced to a set of controlled rituals rather than a functioning political culture. Biya's extended rule is not just a national problem. It reflects a regional weakness. Over the years, organisations such as the African Union and Central African regional bodies have failed to take meaningful action on cases of long-term incumbency, especially where elections proceed without outright violence. The quiet tolerance of indefinite leadership has allowed authoritarianism to be dressed in the language of legality. The AU's Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance calls for term limits, transparent elections, and citizen participation, but its enforcement has been weak and inconsistent. This failure Within Cameroon, the consequences of this political stagnation are clear. The conflict in the Anglophone regions remains unresolved, with thousands displaced and ongoing reports of violence. State responses have relied on force and token gestures of engagement. A lasting solution requires a shift towards genuine political dialogue that includes local voices and acknowledges the historical and structural roots of the crisis. Without that, the cycle of Decentralisation, long promised but never fully delivered, must also be addressed. The country remains one of the most centralised in Africa, with local governments underfunded and politically weak. Meaningful decentralisation would empower communities and signal a commitment to democratic reform. It would reverse the long-standing exclusion of peripheral regions from national decision-making. Electoral reform is another urgent priority. Public confidence in the electoral process is low, with allegations of fraud, media bias and voter intimidation common in each election cycle. If elections are to serve as more than a legitimising tool for incumbents, they must be grounded in fairness, transparency and institutional independence. This will require a review of the legal framework, the composition of the electoral commission and equal access to campaign platforms. Biya's continued presence in power highlights a broader generational crisis in African politics. Leadership is dominated by ageing elites, while the continent's youthful majority is sidelined. In Cameroon, many young people have only ever known one president. Their exclusion from governance is not just symbolic; it has practical consequences for political legitimacy, innovation and long-term development. When young citizens do not see themselves reflected in leadership, they disengage, emigrate or, in some cases, mobilise through informal or radical means. Any vision for democratic renewal must include the deliberate inclusion of youth in decision-making spaces, not as tokens, but as central actors in shaping the country's future. None of these reforms can succeed in isolation from economic renewal. Cameroon's youth, who make up 60% of the population, face high Cameroon's crisis cannot be addressed through surface reforms or another tightly controlled election. If there is to be a turning point, regional actors must take responsibility. The AU and other African leaders should not view Biya's decision as an isolated national matter, but as part of a broader pattern that threatens the continent's commitment to inclusive political governance. Silence in the face of democratic decline is not neutral. It is a form of complicity. African institutions must be prepared to act when those in power no longer serve the people or uphold democratic norms. Biya's candidacy is not simply a continuation of the past. It is a warning about the future. Helen C Folefac and Tinashe Sithole are post doctoral research fellows at the SARChI Chair African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy at the University of Johannesburg.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store