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Prasa initiates probe into R18bn tender after Hawks raid

Prasa initiates probe into R18bn tender after Hawks raid

The Citizen4 days ago
The Hawks swooped in on Prasa's headquarters in Braamfontein seizing laptops, mobile phones and a trove of documents.
A Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (Prasa) train seen in Pretoria on 13 July 2015. Picture: Gallo Images / Alet Pretorius
The Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (Prasa) had initiated an independent forensic investigations into allegations of corruption in connection with two R18 billion tenders for train signalling equipment.
The Hawks swooped in on Prasa's headquarters in Braamfontein on Wednesday afternoon, seizing laptops, mobile phones and a trove of documents of the rail agency's top executives and other employees.
Forensic investigation
Hawks spokesperson Brigadier Thandi Mabombo said the operation was conducted as part of an 'ongoing investigation.'
Prasa spokesperson Andiswa Makanda said the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (Hawks) presented a search warrant for its Braamfontein offices.
'Prasa initiated an independent forensic investigation after receiving a submission from a Whistleblower. Documents and information related to this matter were secured through this proactive forensic investigation'.
ALSO READ: Former Prasa head of security fails to get job back in 7-year legal battle
'Nothing to hide'
Makanda said the information was 'readily available for sharing with the law enforcement authorities.'
'The Agency has nothing to hide and stands ready to provide complete cooperation to law enforcement authorities. The Agency will continue to implement robust governance measures and maintain the highest standards of accountability while fully supporting all legitimate investigative processes'.
Fraud
Senior officials at Prasa allowed two tenders amounting to almost R18-billion, to be awarded to a company, seemingly without the basic bid criteria being met, according to GroundUp.
A report compiled by a whistleblower alleges Prasa had also fraudulently made advance payments to the company – Maziya General Services – amounting to almost R2.7-billion through five transfers during December 2023 and December 2024.
The allegations are related to two tenders awarded to Maziya General Services.
Tenders
These are for a 'global system for mobile communications-railway redundancy network' in KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng, and Western Cape (Bid 112), and a 'PRASA train control system' in KwaZulu-Natal (Bid 120).
The tenders were published in November 2021 and October 2022 respectively.
According to the report, the respective tender amounts awarded were R6.3-billion and R11.1-billion.
Transparency
The Chairperson of the Select Committee on Public Infrastructure and Minister in the Presidency, Rikus Badenhorst, said the allegations against the Prasa executives are concerning.
'This highlights a need for transparency and accountability within Prasa. The committee will monitor the developments at Prasa as it is important for the investigation to come to expose the alleged corruption within the entity'.
Badenhorst called on the Minister of Transport, Barbara Creecy, to report back to the committee once investigations into the matter were complete, as the outcome was crucial to resolving one of the key obstacles hindering Prasa's progress on signalling.
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A Winter of Reckoning: Policing, Syndicates, and the Erosion of Command
A Winter of Reckoning: Policing, Syndicates, and the Erosion of Command

IOL News

time2 hours ago

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A Winter of Reckoning: Policing, Syndicates, and the Erosion of Command

A SA Police Service (SAPS) officer attempting to stop looting during the unrest that rocked KwaZulu Natal and Gauteng in July 2021. Image: | DOCTOR NGCOBO Independent Newspapers Clyde N.S. Ramalaine South Africa's winter has long echoed historic burdens, most notably the 1976 student uprising and the July 2021 unrest. The latter, labelled an insurrection by the Ramaphosa-led state, served as a politically expedient move, deflecting accountability while exposing racist violence in Phoenix, state brutality, and broken democratic promises. But July 2025 signals a new chapter, marked by exposures, high-level suspensions, and institutional decay, especially within the South African Police Service (SAPS). This 'Winter of Discontent' reveals not just negligence but a disturbing nexus of criminal syndicates, compromised police structures, and political interference. This is about more than corruption; it is about the erosion of command and a nation caught between exposure and accountability. At the centre of this storm is KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. His explosive 6 July statement shifted public discourse, revealing forensic links between weapons used in several high-profile assassinations, pointing to a coordinated network within the state's security structures. Mkhwanazi's disclosures are grounded in evidence: ballistic matches, arrests, and corroborated results. Weapons recovered in the murder of engineer Armand Swart matched those used in the 2022 assassination of DJ Sumbody and the attempted murder of Tebogo Thobejane. SAPS spokesperson Athlenda Mathe confirmed, 'All these three cases are linked somehow.' Four weapons, including the AK-47 used to kill DJ Sumbody, are now tied to at least 10 high-profile cases. By July 21, four suspects were arrested, including alleged kingpin Katiso 'KT' Molefe and three suspected hitmen: Michael Pule Tau, Tiego Floyd Mabusela, and Musa Kekana. SAPS confirmed the ballistics-linked weapons to at least ten cases, giving credibility to Mkhwanazi's claims and undermining counter-narratives, particularly Minister Senzo Mchunu's initial denials, later followed by admissions. Criticism of Mkhwanazi's motives came from UJ academic Steven Friedman, who suggested the disclosures reflected SAPS factionalism. But dismissing hard evidence as political theatre lacks integrity. Such scepticism risks masking the reality beneath elite commentary. The forensic backing and arrests demand honest reckoning, not theoretical dismissal. Another twist came via former Hawks boss Godfrey Lebeya, who admitted to receiving a tip-off—allegedly from someone linked to Molefe- about a Hawks operation. Lebeya redirected the Hawks, leading to an almost confrontation with SAPS. He has refused to name the caller, citing the pending Madlanga Judicial Commission. But the question remains: why do criminal suspects have such access to top law enforcement, while citizens struggle to report crimes? Equally disconcerting is the role of Brown Mogotsi, a politically connected figure who acted as a conduit between Mchunu and SAPS, despite having no formal position. Once active in North West politics and a vocal CR17 supporter, Mogotsi sent unsolicited WhatsApp directives to Mkhwanazi, claiming to speak for Mchunu. In a Checkpoint interview, he even claimed to be in Tanzania during the arrest of Thabo Bester and Nandipha Magudumana. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Mogotsi's ambiguous role, shadowy operative or media-seeking hero, underscores the breakdown of command in SAPS and the alarming closeness between politics and policing. His public activity illustrates political interference cloaked as operational engagement. The allegations surrounding Mchunu and Sibiya suggest obstruction. Mchunu disbanded the Political Killings Task Team (PKTT) investigating political assassinations, while over 120 dockets stalled. Mkhwanazi linked Sibiya to controversial figures, including Mogotsi and murder-accused businessman Vusimusi 'Cat' Matlala, through data from Matlala's cellphone. In Parliament, Mchunu denied knowing Mogotsi, only to later call him 'a comrade.' This contradiction borders on perjury. Moreover, critical dockets were reassigned to Sibiya without SAPS Commissioner Masemola's knowledge, suggesting an attempt to derail investigations. Sibiya has since taken legal action against SAPS for what he calls an unlawful suspension. President Ramaphosa's suspension of Gauteng Director of Public Prosecutions Advocate Andrew Chauke added to the month's turmoil. Is this accountability, or political housekeeping? Does it reflect NDPP Shamila Batohi's past warnings about compromised individuals within the NPA? 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Such a ruling would mark an institutional red card not just for executive overreach, but also against the President's ability to act in crisis. It could provoke a constitutional crisis, weaken the presidency's authority under Section 84, embolden adversaries questioning the legitimacy of state efforts to combat law enforcement capture, and further erode SAPS's fragile command. Worse, it might encourage those implicated to delay accountability under the guise of procedural propriety. The Madlanga Commission may not commence for three months and could take years to conclude. Meanwhile, overlapping investigations from Parliament, the Public Protector, and others have been launched. But are these parallel probes strategically sound, or dangerously duplicative? Witnesses may feel compromised about testifying before the commission begins, fearing political fallout or legal complications. Without coordination, these overlapping inquiries could harm the integrity of the entire process. Justice demands urgency, but also coherence. We've seen this before: Phala Phala produced more noise than resolution. Overlapping mandates, jurisdictional confusion, and political manoeuvring tactics create a fog that allows the guilty to vanish, locked in a sealed status. The more disjointed our accountability processes, the easier they become to manipulate. As July ends, one wonders: Will the judiciary be next? If Mkhwanazi's revelations are accurate, the rot reaches further into the justice system. Is South Africa ready for that confrontation? This winter may not deliver justice, but it has begun a reckoning, driven not by politicians but by a police commissioner with evidence. Mkhwanazi's bravery has shattered the silence. He's shown us a state entangled with criminality, protected by privilege, and nearing institutional collapse. As the Madlanga Commission awaits commencement, the spread of unaligned investigations risks confusion over clarity. Without coherence, justice may again be buried under politics. July 2025 has not answered every question, but it's raised the ones we can no longer ignore. Whether this moment becomes a turning point or deepens the national malaise will depend on what follows. South Africa stands at a precipice, its guardians exposed, its institutions tested, and its people impatient for action. * Clyde N.S. Ramalaine is a theologian, political analyst, lifelong social and economic justice activist, published author, poet, and freelance writer. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.

R100,000 loan haunts woman arrested by Hawks and charged with fraud
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IOL News

time2 hours ago

  • IOL News

R100,000 loan haunts woman arrested by Hawks and charged with fraud

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Financial health of seven of SA's eight metros ‘a grave concern'
Financial health of seven of SA's eight metros ‘a grave concern'

Daily Maverick

time10 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Financial health of seven of SA's eight metros ‘a grave concern'

They do not have the skills and capability to achieve their plans and objectives, or to deliver and maintain their infrastructure. If metropolitan municipalities were to deliver the quality services expected by citizens, this would have a significant impact on the lives of most South Africans and businesses – and this is a noble (and very necessary) goal worth working towards. Metros are what are described as category-A municipalities, which grants them the exclusive executive and legislative authority within their areas of jurisdiction, as well as assigns them full water, sanitation, refuse and electricity functions. Their mandate is to drive development and economic sustainability. In the 2023-24 reporting period, the eight metros (Cities of Cape Town, Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg and Tshwane; and Buffalo City, eThekwini, Mangaung and Nelson Mandela Bay) delivered services to 8.9 million households – 46% of all households in the country. Together with their entities, they were responsible for 57% (R351.37-billion) of the estimated local government expenditure budget for the year. However, since the sixth local government administration took office in 2021, the metros have not shown real improvement. In fact, three of the eight received an unqualified audit opinion with findings and four a qualified audit opinion with findings in 2023-24, which are not desirable as these metros are not performing optimally and are facing several challenges. Only the City of Cape Town achieved a clean audit, sustained from previous years. It does not have to be like this Metros have the right kind of budgets and prime locations to attract and retain the best talent money can buy. And where talented individuals are given the space to do their work and are held accountable, improvements are more likely. The stability of the administrative municipal management is also crucial in this respect. The financial health of the metros remains a grave concern. Despite implementing financial recovery plans and turnaround strategies, metros continue to struggle to improve their revenue collection. The City of Tshwane and Mangaung have both disclosed significant doubt for four years or more about their ability to continue operating fully as a going concern. This precarious financial position has resulted in the credit rating of some metros being downgraded, limiting their ability to borrow funds for critical infrastructure projects that are at the heart of service delivery. Buffalo City, City of Ekurhuleni and eThekwini were downgraded by ratings agencies who doubted their ability to pay their debts because of declining revenue collection. Downgrades also lead to higher borrowing costs. To illustrate the point, by year-end, metros had written down a combined R118.64-billion in consumer debt, which represents 70% of the total municipal debtors' book of R168.74-billion. Culture of integrity 'not ingrained' in metros Most metros have been slow to respond to unauthorised, irregular, and fruitless and wasteful expenditure, as well as ineffective accountability structures and processes. We have concluded that a culture of performance, accountability, transparency and institutional integrity is not ingrained in the metros. It is not only the metros' inability to collect that is bringing their finances into question. Even when receiving grants, they have been unable to spend to enable them to meet their infrastructure needs. Metros underspent on their public transport network grant by 11%, with Mangaung underspending by more than 50% due to delays in the completion of grant-funded projects caused by community unrest, termination and re-appointment of service providers, delayed approval of time extensions and delayed payments to contractors. Nelson Mandela Bay underspent on the urban settlements' development grant by 9%, while Mangaung did not spend this grant in accordance with the grant framework. Grant underspending results from a lack of institutional capability to plan and execute infrastructure projects, as well as ineffective project management processes. The reverse also holds true: poor planning resulted in overspending at Buffalo City, City of Tshwane, Mangaung and Nelson Mandela Bay, which collectively overspent R121.23-million on six infrastructure projects in 2023-24. Dearth of skills, capability lead to harm In other words, metros do not have the skills and capability to achieve their plans and objectives, or to deliver and maintain their infrastructure. This lack of skill, among other challenges, has resulted in harm to the public and the environment. 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The average senior management vacancy rate has worsened to 25% from the 15% reported in 2020-21. Mangaung had the highest overall vacancy rate at 61%, while Nelson Mandela Bay had the highest senior manager vacancy rate at 67%. Without the necessary human resources, fulfilling the mandate of municipalities will remain a pipe dream. So, in the case of finance units, these were generally well resourced, which has helped metros to rely less on consultants. Metros accounted for only 3% (R43.47-million) of the total consultant spend of R1.47-billion in 2023-24, clearly indicating a direct benefit of institutional capability. There was also a high vacancy rate in the information technology units of five metros. At a time when artificial intelligence should be harnessed to improve the running of business, it is concerning that three metros did not have chief information security and project management officers. A lack of necessary expertise in the technical units of metros is equally concerning. eThekwini's staff deficit of 58% in the water and sanitation department meant that critical infrastructure maintenance was not performed regularly. Delays in filling these vacancies have led to changes to project designs, scope and timelines, as managers become overburdened by the number of projects to oversee. At Buffalo City, there was an overall vacancy rate of 15% across key service delivery units, with key positions having been vacant for multiple years. The district engineer position in the electricity department was vacant for 80 months, while the same position in the sanitation, solid waste and refuse removal department was vacant for 24 months. The shortage of staff with the requisite skills and knowledge significantly hindered the quality and efficiency of essential services such as water, electricity, sanitation, housing and waste management. Performance management Performance management systems are also critical to clarify the roles and responsibilities of each role player in the metro environment and provide for measuring performance at least once a year. Municipalities must develop and adopt appropriate systems and procedures to monitor, measure and evaluate staff performance and establish policies and procedures that define how performance will be assessed, measured and managed. Buffalo City and Mangaung did not have the required policies and procedures in place – we reported this as material non-compliance with legislation. Other key functions did not have sufficient staff either. For example, four metros had vacancy rates of 20% or higher, and two metros (City of Tshwane and Mangaung) had vacancy rates above 50% in their internal audit units. This prevented these units from implementing their internal audit plans. Councils must collaborate with the provincial cooperative governance departments to expedite the processes of appointing skilled municipal managers who have the necessary experience and competency.

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