
Two top Biden aides set to testify in probe of Biden mental decline
The committee has scheduled interviews with former Biden counselor Steve Ricchetti and former senior adviser Mike Donilon for Wednesday and Thursday, respectively. In a departure from some previous high-profile witnesses, the two have signaled they will voluntarily sit for them. As of Tuesday afternoon, the committee had not issued subpoenas compelling their appearances.
Several Biden aides have declined to cooperate with the committee's investigation, prompting the panel to subpoena their appearances. They then invoked their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination during the closed-door meetings.
Earlier this month, three Biden aides – White House physician Dr. Kevin O'Connor, former assistant to the president and senior adviser to the first lady Anthony Bernal and former special assistant to the president and deputy director of Oval Office operations Annie Tomasini – pleaded the fifth in the face of questions from the panel.
Invoking the Fifth Amendment is typically done to avoid answering specific questions, and though it can be perceived by the public as a way of avoiding accountability, the US Supreme Court has long regarded the right against self-incrimination as a venerable part of the Constitution.
Still, a number of Biden aides have sat for voluntary sat for interviews with the panel. Former Biden chief of staff Ron Klain, for example, told the committee last week that Hillary Clinton had expressed concerns to him in 2023 that Biden's age was an issue the campaign hadn't dealt with effectively, and that national security adviser Jake Sullivan told him in 2024 after the presidential debate that Biden wasn't as effective as he once had been, a source familiar with the matter previously told CNN.
Klain told the committee that he believed Biden had the mental sharpness to serve as president and he saw no reason to doubt Biden's mental acuity, another source said.
A Clinton spokesman did not dispute Klain's account, but said Clinton was concerned with how the question of Biden's age was being handled politically in light of the attacks and questions he was facing.
As with Klain, Neera Tanden, the former White House Director of the Domestic Policy Council, and Ashley Williams, former special assistant to the president and deputy director of Oval Office Operations, sat for transcribed interviews.
According to a source familiar with her interview, Williams told the committee she believes that Biden was in command the night of the debate and was fit to be president, including now.
The source said Williams stated she 'did not recall' many times during her five-hour interview to several questions, including whether teleprompters were used for Cabinet meetings, if there were discussions about Biden using a wheelchair, if there were discussions about Biden undergoing a cognitive test, if she discussed Biden declining physically or mentally, if she ever had to wake Biden up, and how she got involved in his 2020 campaign. The source said that Williams would not say a good memory was an important trait for working at the White House.
An attorney representing Williams did not respond to a request for comment Tuesday evening.
The committee is expected transcribe interviews with additional high-level aides next week, including with former deputy chief of staff for policy Bruce Reed on Tuesday and former senior adviser to the president for communications Anita Dunn on Thursday.
Other former aides expected to testify in the coming months include: former special assistant to the president and senior adviser in the White House Counsel's Office Ian Sams on August 21; former deputy assistant to the president and senior deputy press secretary Andrew Bates on September 5; former assistant to the president and White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre on September 12; and former chief of staff Jeff Zients on September 18.
Arlette Saenz contributed to this report.
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Chicago Tribune
21 minutes ago
- Chicago Tribune
Storer H. Rowley: Six months into his presidency, Donald Trump has created a police state
Six months into Donald Trump's second term, a lawless president is solidifying his law enforcement powers to create something most Americans didn't vote for and don't want: a police state increasingly robbing residents of their rights and due process. Unaccountable, masked immigration agents, many in plainclothes, are arresting farm workers in fields, raiding Home Depots and car washes, hunting unauthorized workers 'like animals,' and grabbing immigrants in courthouses, mothers and children in their homes, high school soccer stars and kids at baseball practice. Even U.S. citizens have been rounded up by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents, including children, and other children here legally seeking refuge, some of them sick, along with their parents in the country without legal permission. Many people snatched are quickly deported without due process. Some are 'disappeared' into detention facilities or shipped abroad before they can get legal representation. This hellscape of fear and chaos does not match up with Trump's campaign promise to mass-deport criminals and arrest 'the worst of the worst.' Residents here without legal authorization with no criminal records pleading their cases dutifully in court have been abducted by agents at courthouses. It is a shameful showcase for the cameras, an authoritarian regime running roughshod over constitutional rights, immigrant rights and human rights. Trump is improperly using the military on U.S. streets, defying court orders, caging detainees in deplorable gulags and dispatching ICE agents to grab anyone they can to meet arbitrary White House quotas of 3,000 a day. He makes a mockery of the rule of law by arresting Americans. Trump is escalating his war on immigrants as poll numbers on his immigration policies hit a record low. Six months in, the executive orders, court challenges, crypto corruption, firings and budget cuts seem bottomless, as well, and now he is grappling with the Jeffrey Epstein scandal. And he's just getting started. Brace yourselves. It's going to get worse before it gets better. Look for the National Guard or the Marines coming next to Chicago. Recently, the GOP-led Senate narrowly confirmed Trump's former criminal defense lawyer, Emil Bove, to a lifetime appointment on the federal appellate bench after he was accused of defying the courts. Bove denied it, but one whistleblower said he told fellow Justice Department officials to ignore court orders if necessary to make sure deportation flights took off, alleging: 'Bove stated that DOJ would need to consider telling the courts 'f––– you' and ignore any such court order.' To be clear, Republicans and Democrats both agree that illegal immigration needs to be controlled. A bipartisan effort came close to finding a longer-term solution last year until Trump killed the comprehensive reform bill to weaponize the issue against Democrats in the Nov. 5 election. The question is how to do deal with illegal immigration legally and humanely. Americans voted to get the border under control, and to be fair, Trump's administration has done that. Crossings and apprehensions have slowed to a trickle. But they didn't vote for, nor do they support, what he is doing now: lawless crackdowns leaving migrants and Americans alike living in a republic of fear, danger and violence. 'Show me your papers' used to be the catchphrase for villains in World War II movies. Now, it's the harsh reality for many legal residents. Migrants who may have crossed the border illegally but are now going through the court system to plead their cases can be swept up and disappeared before their day in court. Worse, Trump and his top White House anti-immigration adviser, Stephen Miller, deliberately appeal to white nationalists and white grievance, leaving the feeling among immigrants that they are targeted in a deportation war aimed mainly against people of color. His administration has attacked diversity, equity and inclusion programs, and ICE agents have been accused of racially profiling immigrant communities. ICE denies this, but how many white European immigrants do you see in their detention centers? We have seen this pattern before, when whole groups of people are targeted — such as Japanese Americans sent to internment camps during World War II. The inhumane immigration detention center in the Everglades is Exhibit A. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem insists her immigration agents are behaving legally and building cases correctly. She denies racial profiling: 'It's been done exactly how law enforcement has operated for many years in this country, and ICE is out there making sure we get the worst off the streets,' she said. It's not hard to do this legally. Barack Obama and Joe Biden, when they were president, fought illegal immigration within the law. In fact, Obama upset many Democrats by being the 'Deporter-in-Chief,' deporting more immigrants at a higher rate than Trump has — and he did it legally. But Trump's lawlessness and authoritarian conduct goes way beyond immigration, and it has provoked sustained nationwide protests since he took office. He has threatened a number of law firms into submission, tried to quell free speech and dissent at universities, attacked the media with frivolous lawsuits to try to bend them to his will and silence his critics in the entertainment world. But his police state tactics are causing blowback too. Americans who care about their democracy must continue to rally to defend it. Only people power and voters can stop a criminal president. Even his unprecedented weaponizing of the Department of Justice to target perceived enemies has caused revulsion among the ranks over abominations such as his attempt to restrict birthright citizenship. The unit that prosecutes those cases has lost nearly two-thirds of its staff as DOJ attorneys leave rather than further his corrupt attempts to tear down the constitutional system. Trump's approach toward immigratioin has squandered his support. Many MAGA supporters still approve of his actions, but a majority of Americans in a recent CBS poll now see his deportation program as a net negative. Moreover, more Americans now see the value of immigration way more than they did a year ago, with the share wanting immigration reduced dropping from 55% in 2024 to 30% today, according to a recent Gallup Poll — and a record-high 79% of U.S. adults now say immigration is a good thing for the country. Clearly, the police state tactics aren't working, and that's a good thing for America.

Los Angeles Times
21 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
It's Trump's economy now. The latest financial numbers offer some warning signs
WASHINGTON — For all of President Trump's promises of an economic 'golden age,' a spate of weak indicators last week told a potentially worrisome story as the effects of his policies are coming into focus. Job gains are dwindling. Inflation is ticking upward. Growth has slowed compared with last year. More than six months into his term, Trump's blitz of tariff hikes and his new tax-and-spending bill have remodeled America's trading, manufacturing, energy and tax systems to his liking. He's eager to take credit for any perceived wins and is hunting for someone else to blame if the financial situation starts to totter. But as of now, this is not the boom the Republican president promised, and his ability to blame his Democratic predecessor, Joe Biden, for any economic challenges has faded as the world economy hangs on his every word and social media post. When Friday's monthly jobs report turned out to be decidedly bleak, Trump ignored the warnings in the data and fired the head of the agency that produces the report. 'Important numbers like this must be fair and accurate, they can't be manipulated for political purposes,' Trump said on his social media platform, without offering evidence for his claim. 'The Economy is BOOMING.' It's possible that the disappointing numbers are growing pains from the rapid transformation caused by Trump and that stronger growth will return — or they may be a preview of even more disruption to come. Trump's aggressive use of tariffs, executive actions, spending cuts and tax code changes carry significant political risk if he is unable to deliver middle-class prosperity. The effects of his new tariffs are still several months away from rippling through the economy, right as many Trump allies in Congress will be campaigning in the midterm elections. 'Considering how early we are in his term, Trump's had an unusually big impact on the economy already,' said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist at Firehouse Strategies. 'The full inflationary impact of the tariffs won't be felt until 2026. Unfortunately for Republicans, that's also an election year.' The White House portrayed the blitz of trade frameworks leading up to Trump's tariff announcement Thursday as proof of his negotiating prowess. The European Union, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Indonesia and other nations that the White House declined to name agreed that the U.S. could increase its tariffs on their goods without doing the same to American products. Trump simply set rates on other countries that lacked settlements. The costs of those tariffs — taxes paid on imports to the U.S. — will be most felt by American consumers in the form of higher prices, but to what extent remains uncertain. 'For the White House and their allies, a key part of managing the expectations and politics of the Trump economy is maintaining vigilance when it comes to public perceptions,' said Kevin Madden, a Republican strategist. Just 38% of adults approve of Trump's handling of the economy, according to a July poll by the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs. That's down from the end of Trump's first term when half of adults approved of his economic leadership. The White House paints a rosier image, casting the economy as emerging from a period of uncertainty after Trump's restructuring and repeating the economic gains seen in his first term before the pandemic struck. 'President Trump is implementing the very same policy mix of deregulation, fairer trade, and pro-growth tax cuts at an even bigger scale — as these policies take effect, the best is yet to come,' White House spokesman Kush Desai said. The economic numbers over the last week show the difficulties that Trump might face if the numbers continue on their current path: — Friday's jobs report showed that U.S. employers have shed 37,000 manufacturing jobs since Trump's tariff launch in April, undermining prior White House claims of a factory revival. — Net hiring has plummeted over the last three months with job gains of just 73,000 in July, 14,000 in June and 19,000 in May — a combined 258,000 jobs lower than previously indicated. On average last year, the economy added 168,000 jobs a month. — A Thursday inflation report showed that prices have risen 2.6% over the year that ended in June, an increase in the personal consumption expenditures price index from 2.2% in April. Prices of heavily imported items, such as appliances, furniture and toys and games, jumped from May to June. — On Wednesday, a report on gross domestic product — the broadest measure of the U.S. economy — showed that it grew at an annual rate of less than 1.3% during the first half of the year, down sharply from 2.8% growth last year. 'The economy's just kind of slogging forward,' said Guy Berger, senior fellow at the Burning Glass Institute, which studies employment trends. 'Yes, the unemployment rate's not going up, but we're adding very few jobs. The economy's been growing very slowly. It just looks like a 'meh' economy is continuing.' Trump has sought to pin the blame for any economic troubles on Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, saying the Fed should cut its benchmark interest rates — even though doing so could generate more inflation. Trump has publicly backed two Fed governors, Christopher Waller and Michelle Bowman, for voting for rate cuts at Wednesday's meeting. But their logic is not what the president wants to hear: They were worried, in part, about a slowing job market. But this is a major economic gamble being undertaken by Trump and those pushing for lower rates under the belief that mortgages will also become more affordable as a result and boost homebuying activity. His tariff policy has changed repeatedly over the last six months, with the latest import tax numbers serving as a substitute for what the president announced in April, which provoked a stock market sell-off. It might not be a simple one-time adjustment as some Fed board members and Trump administration officials argue. Of course, Trump can't say no one warned him about the possible consequences of his economic policies. Biden, then the outgoing president, did just that in a speech in December at the Brookings Institution, saying the cost of the tariffs would eventually hit American workers and businesses. 'He seems determined to impose steep, universal tariffs on all imported goods brought into this country on the mistaken belief that foreign countries will bear the cost of those tariffs rather than the American consumer,' Biden said. 'I believe this approach is a major mistake.' Boak and Rugber write for the Associated Press.

Los Angeles Times
21 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
After a reference to Trump's impeachments is removed from a Smithsonian, questions of history arise
NEW YORK — It would seem the most straightforward of notions: A thing takes place, and it goes into the history books or is added to museum exhibits. But whether something even gets remembered and how — particularly when it comes to the history of a country and its leader — can become complex, especially when the leader is Donald Trump. The latest example of that came Friday, when the Smithsonian Institution said it had removed a reference to Trump's 2019 and 2021 impeachments from a panel in an exhibition about the American presidency. Trump has pressed institutions and agencies under federal oversight, often through the pressure of funding, to focus on the country's achievements and progress and away from things he terms 'divisive.' The Smithsonian on Saturday denied getting pressure from the Trump administration to remove the reference, which had been installed as part of a temporary addition in 2021. The exhibit 'will be updated in the coming weeks to reflect all impeachment proceedings in our nation's history,' the museum said in a statement. In a statement that did not directly address the impeachment references, White House spokesperson Davis Ingle said: 'We are fully supportive of updating displays to highlight American greatness.' But is history intended to highlight or to document — to report what happened, or to serve a desired narrative? The answer, as with most things about the past, can be complicated. The Smithsonian's move comes as the Trump administration has asserted its dominion over many American institutions, such as removing the name of a gay rights activist from a Navy ship, pushing for Republican supporters in Congress to defund the Corp. for Public Broadcasting — prompting its elimination — and getting rid of the leadership at the Kennedy Center. 'Based on what we have been seeing, this is part of a broader effort by the president to influence and shape how history is depicted at museums, national parks and schools,' said Julian E. Zelizer, a professor of history and public affairs at Princeton University. 'Not only is he pushing a specific narrative of the United States but, in this case, trying to influence how Americans learn about his own role in history.' It's not a new struggle, in the world generally and the political world particularly. There is power in being able to shape how things are remembered, if they are remembered at all — who was there, who took part, who was responsible, what happened to lead up to that point in history. And the human beings who run things have often extended their authority to the stories told about them. In China, for example, references to the June 1989 crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Beijing's Tiananmen Square are forbidden and meticulously regulated by the ruling Communist Party government. In Soviet-era Russia, officials who ran afoul of leaders such as Josef Stalin disappeared not only from the government itself but from photographs and history books where they once appeared. Jason Stanley, an expert on authoritarianism, said controlling what and how people learn of their past has long been used as a vital tool to maintain power. Stanley has made his views about the Trump administration clear; he recently left Yale University to join the University of Toronto, citing concerns over the U.S. political situation. 'If they don't control the historical narrative,' he said, 'then they can't create the kind of fake history that props up their politics.' In the United States, presidents and their families have used their power to shape history and calibrate their own images. Jackie Kennedy insisted on cuts in William Manchester's book on her husband's 1963 assassination, 'The Death of a President.' Ronald Reagan and his wife got a cable TV channel to release a carefully calibrated documentary about him. Those around Franklin D. Roosevelt, including journalists of the era, took pains to mask the effects of paralysis on his body and his mobility. Trump, though, has asserted far greater control — a sitting president encouraging an atmosphere where institutions can feel compelled to choose between him and the facts, whether he calls for it directly or not. 'We are constantly trying to position ourselves in history as citizens — as citizens of the country, citizens of the world,' said Robin Wagner-Pacifici, professor emerita of sociology at the New School for Social Research. 'So part of these exhibits and monuments are also about situating us in time. And without it, it's very hard for us to situate ourselves in history because it seems like we just kind of burst forth from the Earth.' Timothy Naftali, director of the Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum in Yorba Linda from 2007 to 2011, presided over its overhaul to offer a more objective presentation of Watergate — one not beholden to the president's loyalists. In an interview Friday, he said he was 'concerned and disappointed' about the Smithsonian decision. Naftali, now a senior researcher at Columbia University, said that museum directors 'should have red lines' and that he considered one of them to be the removal of the Trump impeachment panel. While it might seem inconsequential for someone in power to care about a museum's offerings, Wagner-Pacifici says Trump's outlook on history and his role in it — earlier this year, he said the Smithsonian had 'come under the influence of a divisive, race-centered ideology' — shows how important those matters are to people in authority. 'You might say about that person, whoever that person is, their power is so immense and their legitimacy is so stable and so sort of monumental that why would they bother with things like this ... why would they bother to waste their energy and effort on that?' Wagner-Pacifici said. Her conclusion: 'The legitimacy of those in power has to be reconstituted constantly. They can never rest on their laurels.' Hajela and Italie write for the Associated Press.