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Sonallah Ibrahim, Egyptian Novelist of Irony and Dissent, Dies at 88

Sonallah Ibrahim, Egyptian Novelist of Irony and Dissent, Dies at 88

New York Times2 hours ago
Sonallah Ibrahim, an Egyptian novelist who chronicled with deadpan irony his country's submission to dictatorship and materialism in an influential career spanning nearly six decades, died on Aug. 13 in Cairo. He was 88.
The Egyptian culture minister, Ahmed Fouad Hanno, announced his death, in a hospital. The state newspaper Al-Ahram said the cause was pneumonia.
Mr. Ibrahim shocked the Arab literary world with his short, singeing debut novel, 'That Smell,' published in 1966. Many other books followed, but the tone was set by the first — it was censored, banned, circulated underground and not definitively published in complete, open form until 20 years later.
The stripped-down style of 'That Smell' and its harsh depiction of a present without perspective were at odds with the ornate main currents of Arabic literature, as well as the self-confidence of the official Egyptian narrative, which was firm until the country's shattering defeat by Israel in the Six-Day War in 1967. Through one individual's disabused journey across Cairo, Mr. Ibrahim portrayed the malaise of an entire society, a literary experiment that earned him a lasting place in his country's cultural landscape.
'That Smell' portrays the anomie of a young man just released from prison, like Mr. Ibrahim himself, who had spent five years in the harsh jails of the nationalist dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser after he rounded up the country's Communists on New Year's Day 1959, even though he was supported by many of them, including Mr. Ibrahim himself. Mr. Ibrahim was released, along with other Communists, only as a good-will gesture to the Soviet premier, Nikita Khrushchev, who had come to inspect the Kremlin-financed Aswan High Dam in 1964.
The narrator of 'That Smell' tries to readjust to a mid-1960s Cairo he hasn't seen in years. It doesn't go well.
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Sonallah Ibrahim, Egyptian Novelist of Irony and Dissent, Dies at 88
Sonallah Ibrahim, Egyptian Novelist of Irony and Dissent, Dies at 88

New York Times

time2 hours ago

  • New York Times

Sonallah Ibrahim, Egyptian Novelist of Irony and Dissent, Dies at 88

Sonallah Ibrahim, an Egyptian novelist who chronicled with deadpan irony his country's submission to dictatorship and materialism in an influential career spanning nearly six decades, died on Aug. 13 in Cairo. He was 88. The Egyptian culture minister, Ahmed Fouad Hanno, announced his death, in a hospital. The state newspaper Al-Ahram said the cause was pneumonia. Mr. Ibrahim shocked the Arab literary world with his short, singeing debut novel, 'That Smell,' published in 1966. Many other books followed, but the tone was set by the first — it was censored, banned, circulated underground and not definitively published in complete, open form until 20 years later. The stripped-down style of 'That Smell' and its harsh depiction of a present without perspective were at odds with the ornate main currents of Arabic literature, as well as the self-confidence of the official Egyptian narrative, which was firm until the country's shattering defeat by Israel in the Six-Day War in 1967. Through one individual's disabused journey across Cairo, Mr. Ibrahim portrayed the malaise of an entire society, a literary experiment that earned him a lasting place in his country's cultural landscape. 'That Smell' portrays the anomie of a young man just released from prison, like Mr. Ibrahim himself, who had spent five years in the harsh jails of the nationalist dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser after he rounded up the country's Communists on New Year's Day 1959, even though he was supported by many of them, including Mr. Ibrahim himself. Mr. Ibrahim was released, along with other Communists, only as a good-will gesture to the Soviet premier, Nikita Khrushchev, who had come to inspect the Kremlin-financed Aswan High Dam in 1964. The narrator of 'That Smell' tries to readjust to a mid-1960s Cairo he hasn't seen in years. It doesn't go well. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.

Gayton McKenzie accuses SAHRC of ‘political campaign', defamation
Gayton McKenzie accuses SAHRC of ‘political campaign', defamation

News24

time2 hours ago

  • News24

Gayton McKenzie accuses SAHRC of ‘political campaign', defamation

PA leader and Sports, Arts and Culture Minister Gayton McKenzie has taken issue with an SAHRC statement. He claims the statement defamed him because it was made 'without completing even a cursory investigation of any kind' or giving him a hearing first. He says the situation has caused him 'unnecessary embarrassment'. Patriotic Alliance leader and Sports, Arts and Culture Minister Gayton McKenzie is back in the spotlight - this time with claims that the SA Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) 'defamed' him. He alleges that the SAHRC is already convinced that he is guilty of hate speech and that it released what effectively amounted to preliminary findings in a statement, without conducting an investigation or giving him a hearing first. The saga comes after McKenzie's condemnation of The Open Chats podcast hosts for comments about coloured people in an episode. The SAHRC received complaints about McKenzie's reaction to the podcast comments, which earned him sharp rebukes for old statements he had made about black people on social media. It released a statement. READ | SAHRC probes Gayton McKenzie for using 'K-word', xenophobic allegations Now, in a 13-page missive, McKenzie has taken issue with the contents of that statement. 'The SAHRC is a Chapter 9 institution, which is meant to uphold the Bill of Rights in South Africa's Constitution.' 'If the SAHRC had felt the need to make any public statement, which they did not immediately need to do, they could merely have said that they had received complaints against me and would be investigating them. That would have been fair and reasonable.' Instead, he said, the commission effectively released 'preliminary findings' that suggest possible penalties. 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'This public statement from the SAHRC was publicised before I had received any letter from the SAHRC, and before anyone from the SAHRC had engaged in any communication with me whatsoever.' McKenzie said he viewed the SAHRC's decision to go public with its 'evidence against me of hate speech as defamation, because they said these things before giving me a hearing, and without completing even a cursory investigation of any kind'. Had any investigation been conducted, the commission would have realised it had misunderstood the 'evidence' and that suggesting he could produce hate speech of any kind 'is not legally defensible'. McKenzie added that the commission sent its letter to an obscure email address, via a junior department official, and that it was only found days later, saying: I am not a hard man to find, and my spokesperson's contact details – just as one example – are contained at the end of dozens of media statements. Had the SAHRC not sent the letter to the assistant of a person reporting to me in my public office, I would have struggled to find it. 'This alone has been the cause of unnecessary embarrassment in my working environment. 'It pales [in] insignificance, though, against the public harm the SAHRC has caused me with their public comments. 'Since the SAHRC decided to go public with their 'case' against me, I am now left with little choice but to go public with this statement now in my defence. 'I would not have done this if they had decided to rather first give me a fair hearing instead of first playing to the gallery and trying me in the court of public opinion. 'If this matter were to go further, to an actual court, where I fully intend to protect my rights, I look forward to embarrassing the SAHRC under cross-examination.' He accused the commission of having joined a 'political campaign' against him, which he said was led by 'cowardly anonymous' social media accounts and ActionSA. 'A full review of the context easily reveals, however, that all the posts the SAHRC decided to concentrate on in their letter to me were non-racial in nature and, in fact, were intended to challenge and reject racism.' McKenzie partially apologised for some of his comments on a Facebook Live broadcast recently. But he added in his new response: 'Not one of my tweets has demonstrated any intention to harm, incite harm, or promote hatred, as required under the legal test established in Qwelane v South African Human Rights Commission [2021] ZACC 22. 'Instead, they reflect my consistent anti-racist stance. Under South African law, including the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act, 2003 (B-BBEE Act), I am identified as a black person. 'The B-BBEE Act defines 'black people' as a generic term encompassing Africans, coloureds, and Indians who are citizens by birth, descent, or naturalisation prior to 27 April 1994, with the subdivision of 'coloured' being secondary to this broader classification. 'I have also consistently self-identified as a black man, which is in line with my family composition. I attached a 60-page annexure to my letter to the SAHRC containing screenshots of many tweets that show how I consistently wrote as a black man across all the years I have been on Twitter, now X.' READ | EFF calls for immediate removal of Gayton McKenzie as minister due to k-word posts He said the tweets advocated for black development, personally, socially, culturally, economically and intellectually. McKenzie added that the SAHRC needed to have the 'same energy' in response to the Open Chats podcast hosts. 'We keep being told that the podcasters are 'kids' or 'youngsters' as though their age is somehow relevant to matters of prejudice and what is right and wrong,' McKenzie said, adding: On the contrary, they are not 'kids'. They are adults, and they should have known better. Trying to distract from them by making me, somehow, the bigger devil in the drama does not excuse what they said. 'It doesn't make it okay, and we continue to watch the SAHRC to see if they can bring the same energy to expressions [of] racism when the perceived victim is a coloured, white or Indian person,' McKenzie said. 'We have been waiting for that, in fact, for years.' At the time of writing, SAHRC spokesperson Wisani Baloyi said he was going through McKenzie's statement. His response will be added when received.

Sudan's army denies bombing convoy taking aid to famine-hit area
Sudan's army denies bombing convoy taking aid to famine-hit area

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Sudan's army denies bombing convoy taking aid to famine-hit area

Sudan's army has denied bombing a World Food Programme (WFP) convoy taking aid to a famine-hit area in the country's Darfur region. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) had blamed the army for Wednesday's air strike in the town of Mellit, which is under RSF control. A UN agency said a drone hit the convoy, and three lorries in the 16-vehicle convoy caught fire and were destroyed. All staff travelling in the convoy were safe, it added. Sudan plunged into a civil war in April 2023 after a vicious power struggle erupted between the army and the RSF, creating one of the world's worst humanitarian crisis. The RSF does not have an air force, but both sides use drones. The attack is the latest in a string of assaults on humanitarian operations in Sudan. "Humanitarian staff and assets must never be a target," the WFP said, urging the warring parties to respect international humanitarian law. Aid worker returns to base where he hid from bullets Sudan war: A simple guide to what is happening The convoy was headed towards a village near Mellit, a "famine-affected area" some 90km (56 miles) north-west of el-Fasher, the WFP said. The city, the army's last foothold in the Darfur region, has been besieged by the RSF for more than a year. It is one of the main areas of conflict in the civil war, and the RSF has intensified its battle for control of el-Fasher in recent weeks. Both sides have previously been accused of using starvation as a weapon of war by obstructing the delivery of aid and looting food. Five aid workers were killed in a similar attack in el-Fasher in June. Tens of thousands of people have died, and 12 million have been forced from their homes because of the conflict. More than 4.5 million refugees, mostly women and children, have fled to neighbouring countries. More BBC stories on the war in Sudan: 'Tortured and terrified' - BBC witnesses the battle for Khartoum 'Our children are dying': Rare footage shows plight of civilians in besieged Sudan city Oil-rich Sudanese region becomes new focus of war between army and rival forces The two generals at the heart of the conflict Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica BBC Africa podcasts Africa Daily Focus on Africa

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