MKP submits request to Speaker to consider its no-confidence motion in Ramaphosa for failing to fire Mchunu
The party said that by firing former Higher Education Minister Nobuhle Nkabane, and not Mchunu, the president had failed to show that the Government of National Unity (GNU) was committed to real reform.
The party said it would reject the Appropriation Bill when it's presented to the National Assembly House on Wednesday, and was rallying support from its so-called progressive partners to do the same.
While it supports the firing of Nkabane as higher education minister, the MK Party's chief whip, Colleen Makhubele, said it did not signal real change at all under the GNU.
"The minister of higher education became the sacrificial lamb, a soft target that was easy to remove, but she's not the be-all and end-all of corruption. There's a systematic rot that's happening within that whole GNU setup."
Parliamentary leader, John Hlophe, said that Nkabane's firing was a strategic move and was merely President Ramaphosa pandering to the Democratic Alliance (DA) to shore up the votes needed to finalise the budget on Wednesday.
"I hope South Africans are not fooled. We in the MK Party can see through this. He's doing it, not out of genuine concern for South Africans, but purely to get the votes from the DA."
The party said it would not be supporting any of the budget votes on Wednesday in the bill that apportions money to state departments, because they do not address the needs of the average South African.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
IOL News
39 minutes ago
- IOL News
Emma Powell resigns as the DA's international relations spokesperson
DA MP Emma Powell has resigned as spokesperson for International Relations after being accused of discrimination peddler to the US. Image: FILE Democratic Alliance (DA) MP Emma Powell has resigned from her role as the party's spokesperson on International Relations following allegations that she spread disinformation about the South African government during a visit to the United States. In a statement released on Monday, Powell said she had decided to step down after more than two years in the role, citing the personal and political toll of her work. 'Over the past two and a half years, I have traveled the world on behalf of my party, first as shadow minister and later as national spokesperson, speaking out against some of the most repressive and brutal regimes in the world,' Powell said. She claimed that her work defending South Africa's constitutional values on the global stage resulted in threats, intimidation, harassment, and illegal surveillance. 'Driven by my commitment to the DA's foundational principles, I accepted these risks as the unavoidable cost of standing up to and exposing DIRCO (Department of International Relations and Cooperation) and the ANC's relationships with authoritarian regimes,' she said. Powell said her resignation came at a time when she believed she had contributed as much as possible to the DA's international agenda, particularly in the Government of National Unity (GNU). 'In an environment that rewards expediency, truly principled leadership is rare and often costly,' she said. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ 'We must each do what is possible to tip the world's axis toward freedom, but good leaders know when it is time to step back and allow others to carry the baton forward.' The DA confirmed her resignation in a separate statement, saying Powell had 'chosen' to step down. The party thanked her for her service and announced that she would soon be reassigned to a new portfolio. 'Powell remains a valued member of the DA caucus in Parliament, and we will soon announce her new portfolio allocation,' said DA national spokesperson Karabo Khakhau. The party also announced that Ryan Smith would take over as the new spokesperson on international relations and cooperation. Powell's resignation follows a controversial DA delegation trip to Washington, DC in March, which included MP Andrew Whitfield, a former deputy minister of trade, industry and competition. President Cyril Ramaphosa later fired Whitfield for taking the trip without informing him. The visit, according to the party, was aimed at strengthening relations between South Africa and the United States, and drew sharp criticism from the ANC-led government. Minister of International Relations and Cooperation Ronald Lamola expressed concern over the DA's actions, arguing that foreign policy matters are the constitutional prerogative of the executive. 'Africa's non-aligned stance and the advancement of our national interest remain central pillars of South Africa's foreign policy,' Lamola previously told IOL News. 'Our nation-building project cannot survive if the majority of our citizens remain in abject poverty.' Lamola criticised what he described as attempts to misrepresent South Africa's land reform efforts, particularly the Expropriation Bill, which has drawn international attention and criticism. He insisted the bill does not allow arbitrary land seizure. Tensions between the DA and the ANC further escalated after Powell claimed that Ramaphosa's envoy to the US, Mcebisi Jonas, had been denied entry and that the US had rejected his diplomatic credentials. However, the Presidency denied the claims. The DA, however, defended its US trip, stating the visit was intended to provide 'fact-based information' about South Africa's political and economic challenges. 'These discussions were aimed at ensuring that U.S. leaders receive accurate and fact-based information regarding South Africa's domestic landscape and the challenges our nation is currently navigating,' Powell said at the time. Powell also emphasised the importance of maintaining open diplomatic channels with Washington, particularly amid 'unnecessary provocations' and strained bilateral relations. IOL Politics
IOL News
2 hours ago
- IOL News
Atlantis Rugby Match Cancelled – But Who's Really to Blame?
Discover the reasons behind the cancellation of the highly anticipated rugby match between Atlantis Secondary and Loughborough Grammar School, and delve into the broader implications of safety and governance in South Africa. Image: IOL / Ron AI On the June 24, 2025, I became aware that an international fixture game between my alma mater high school Atlantis Secondary (RSA) and Loughborough Grammar School (UK) on July 4, 2025 (in Atlantis) has been cancelled. The school's official communication cited two reasons for the game's cancellation. Firstly, they attribute it to British parents being concerned about their children's safety following comments made about Cape Town in the Oval Office, Washington DC. Secondly, they cite high crime statistics in Atlantis. The principal of Atlantis Secondary, an intellectually astute educator and former English teacher of mine, reiterated that there has been no gangster-related activity on school premises. Additionally, she noted the disappointment that the youth rugby team, who are undoubtedly talented, had this opportunity to play an international fixture taken away from them. Sentiments that I echo and share, especially given that Atlantis Secondary was so foundational in my education and I am linked to the United Kingdom through my postgraduate studies and doctoral work. A day later, on June 25, 2025, after the announcement by the school, the Democratic Alliance NCOP member on Security and Justice Nicholas Gotsell released a statement that necessitated my response in this letter. The DA representative echoes disappointment at the cancellation of the match, especially given that our rugby team has been excitedly and diligently preparing for this match. According to the DA, this match cancellation is an indictment on the Western Cape Provincial Police commissioner Lieutenant-General Thembisile Patekile for absconding on his constitutional mandate to ensure effective policing in the province. Gotsell accuses Patekile of, and I quote, 'turning a blind eye and presides over a SAPS that continuously misdirects its resources to the detriment of communities ravished by drug and gang wars and abuses his delegated authority as Police Commissioner to overturn the dismissal of criminals within the force.' He further states that he agrees Atlantis Secondary is not the problem (I too agree) and bemoans the fact that the young rugby team is collateral damage in 'a war they never chose to fight in'. The DA NCOP member concludes by saying he will submit parliamentary questions regarding concrete steps to address crime in Atlantis and gestures that the people of Atlantis deserve answers, safety and opportunity. I echo his conclusion, particularly given that I was raised in Atlantis and have been living here for the past two years as I have been writing up my doctoral dissertation (which coincidentally studies trans* and gender non-conforming people in Atlantis). All the days and nights that I have spent reading and writing have been laced with intermittent gunshots, multiple funerals and a general death-fear ambience that contours the streets of this town. Yet, I am not so easily fooled. For the past 10 years, I have devoted myself to understanding the inequality and violence that structure the lives of Black and Coloured people in the townships particularly. I am classically trained in sociology (UCT) and have completed an MSc in Africa and International Development at the University of Edinburgh. I thus write from a place of informed opinion, expert testimony if you will. My gripe with the entire fiasco stems from Gotsell's response in his press statement and in the spirit of speaking academic truth to lived experience facts I will detail my analysis and critique as summarily as possible. Firstly, I would like to call out the hypocrisy of the Democratic Alliance, a hypocrisy that is multifaceted. When South Africa made international news about the supposed 'white genocide' (which is categorically untrue), the Democratic Alliance was not exempt from criticism levelled against AfriForum and the likes where drumming up characterisations of South Africa internationally is concerned. While no evidence suggests that the DA made these claims, to my knowledge, their previous US visit, followed up by AfriForum and Solidariteit raises a sceptical eyebrow at minimum. The representation of Cape Town or South Africa as violent is a characterisation they have fuelled themselves with their dubious and subversive international relations with the United States (which undoubtedly is qualitatively comprised of enmeshed relations oscillating between 'white genocide' and expropriation legislation). At times, as other political commentators have noted, their party members worked against the diplomacy and international relations of the national government. So, if there is any characterisation of South Africa as an unredeemable violent state then they have had a hand in moulding such representation. Now of course, when Rupert commented that gang violence in the Western Cape, especially in the Cape Flats, he did not lie. We, those who live in the Cape Flats and townships of the much celebrated and highly unequal Cape Town, know of this violence. We witness it every day. It is our bodies, young and old, who lay dead in bushes or streets. Our lives are intimately destroyed by family members and friends with drug and substance abuse problems. No amount of words can qualitatively describe the experience of living here in such violence and seeing your governing party continuously developing the city centre and adjacent according to neoliberal (private) development. Which brings me to my second point. Much social science research, especially in sociology and criminology, has pointed out how police response to high crime especially gang-related violence, is an inadequate response and strategy. There are not enough SAPS guns, training or presence alone that will "end" gang-related violence or high crime. Our people need jobs, jobs with fair wages that can sustain them. Our residential areas need more leisure and recreation space, we need housing, and the townships created under the Group Areas Act need spatial reformation: better transport and economies. Our people need the Public Day hospital better much better resourced, hospital staff need to be adequately compensated and more healthcare infrastructure is needed. Drug addiction, substance-related care and support are needed to address the social and psychological dimensions of drug/substance addiction. Anyone who has studied how societies/development/governance functions (and who lives in these spaces which need reforming/support could give you these broad-stroke interventions. And while I know the convenient answer is to say "That's provincial/national's duty" we have been blessed with a GNU (sarcasm) and the DA has been official opposition for years! The answer to high crime or even gang-related crime is never to have more police action, the systemic (political/economic) and cultural processes that underline gang formation and related violence need addressing and this is not done solely by SAPS. Given this, it is important then, Gotsell, that we understand what is happening on the Cape Flats about how the City of Cape Town itself prioritises 'neoliberal development' and resources. Our city is one of the most unequal in the world and that inequality manifests and spatialises itself upon the metrics of apartheid spatial planning. I know you and your like disassociate the moment apartheid is mentioned (because apparently, we need to get over it now), and yet the factual evidence is irrefutable. The quality of life in the Mother city greatly differs across racial, gendered and class lines. The DA's continued denial of the structuring power of race in post-apartheid South Africa makes them particularly inept to govern over city and even countries that see worsening levels of inequality especially in relation to the metrics such as race. To add fuel to the fire, it is not only their denial of the structural power of race but their efforts to oppose measures which are geared towards creating a more equal society in South Africa. This is clear in, for example, their efforts to oppose new equality legislation. Let us be clear: the high crime, the violent nature of said crimes, and gang-related crimes in Atlantis and the Cape Flats and other townships surrounding the prosperous Mother city cannot be addressed with more police presence or better training. What social scientists have been saying for years is that the underlying socioeconomic and cultural factors such as unemployment, spatial injustice, lack of adequate housing, substance abuse etc., have to be addressed. This requires political will, knowledge and resources to transform societies seriously. Through your denial of post-apartheid racialised realities, continued pandering to (neo)liberal logic of development and preoccupation with legislatively fighting equality measures in court, you already lack the political will and knowledge. Yes, Atlantis wants answers and deserves safety and opportunities. So too do the rest of the cape flats and townships where many of us are relegated to a dismal quality of life while our city is continue lauded as the best city in the world. I look, hope, dream and work towards a future where people like me do not have opportunities like this taken away from them. Especially as a result of failed governance and structural poverty and inequality. Our communities need urgent and structural change, not political gimmicks such as that press release. To Atlantis Secondary and the rugby team who have had their match cancelled, I would say to continue doing the vital work you have been doing. I have certainly enjoyed immense growth supported by my high school and the tireless work those educators have done to holistically support me. The real injustice is the denial of a dignified quality of life and the opportunity of growth for those of us located at the periphery of Cape Town's wealth and in the aftertaste of Verwoerd's spatial apartheid. Brindley Fortuin ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
IOL News
2 hours ago
- IOL News
From Alliance to Independence: The SACP's Path Forward to Reclaim Revolutionary Integrity
Newly elected secretary general of South African Communist Party (SACP) Chris Hani (left)) and former secretary general Joe Slovo (right) walk together after addressing the media on the third day of the first SACP legal congress inside South Africa in 41 years, in Soweto on December 07, 1991. Image: WALTER DHLADHLA / AFP Dr. Reneva Fourie The South African Communist Party's celebration of its 104th anniversary, from 30 July to 1 August, occurs at a groundbreaking moment in its history. Its decision to contest elections independently is not merely a tactical adjustment. This decision reflects a sober assessment of the country's political realities and is a necessary response to the multiple crises affecting it. The original basis of the Alliance – currently comprised of the ANC, SACP, COSATU and SANCO – rested on the shared understanding that racial oppression, patriarchy and class exploitation were intertwined. National liberation, as envisaged in the Freedom Charter, was viewed as a prerequisite for the socialist transformation of society. The Alliance was a strategic vehicle for mass mobilisation towards this shared vision. But alliances, as Lenin reminded us, are historical constructs that must serve a revolutionary purpose and require constant re-evaluation. Since 1994, South Africa has undergone a political transition without an economic transformation. The commanding heights of the economy remain in the hands of monopoly capital. The post-apartheid state inherited the formal architecture of democracy while leaving the structures of capitalist accumulation intact. The ANC-led government primarily embraced neoliberal macroeconomic policies that prioritised global capital over national interests, limiting the state's ability to effectively promote development for the benefit of South Africans. The result has been the reproduction of mass poverty, unemployment, inequality and crime. These structural failures have fuelled disillusionment with the liberation movement. The working class, once a leading force for change, is now largely excluded from real political influence. Within the Alliance, the SACP's influence has diminished as the ANC has come to be dominated by opportunist strata, many of whom entered the movement after 1990 to pursue private enrichment. This process has weakened the ANC's historical identity and transformed it into an increasingly bourgeois formation. Joe Slovo warned of such a development. In his essay Has Socialism Failed?, he highlighted the danger of bureaucratisation and class compromise in liberation movements that enter state power without altering the material foundations of oppression. The rise of patronage, corruption and internal factionalism within the ANC has vindicated this analysis. The dissolution of the National Party and absorption of its members, along with those of apartheid-era institutions, further diluted the ANC's progressive character. The working class has borne the brunt of this degeneration. Local government has become a site of elite contestation rather than a means of popular empowerment. Service delivery failures and corruption have alienated communities, while the voices of the poor are increasingly marginalised in national policy discourse. Electoral politics have shifted in favour of well-financed capitalist parties, many of which receive external support from Western-aligned foundations and donors. Much of the media, aligned with elite interests, has played a key role in shaping narratives that delegitimise the liberation movement while promoting the opposition. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading The 2024 general election confirmed this trend. Although the ANC retained the largest share of votes, it fell below 50 per cent and entered a Government of National Unity with the Democratic Alliance. This decision was not the result of democratic will, but rather a response to pressure from capital and foreign interests. The DA's connection to imperialist institutions and its role in advancing neoliberal orthodoxy are well documented. The GNU represents a class project aimed at restoring the full dominance of capital and undermining the last remnants of transformative policy within the state. Faced with this reality, the SACP cannot remain confined to a subordinate role within the Alliance. The decision to contest elections independently is rooted in Leninist strategy. For Lenin, participation in bourgeois institutions was a method for revolutionary agitation and exposure, not an endorsement of the system. The Party's presence in elections is, therefore, a means to assert working-class interests, build political clarity, and offer an alternative pole of power. It is not an abandonment of the ANC, but a necessary correction to restore the movement's revolutionary integrity. The SACP has also advanced the idea of a Left Popular Front. This formation, rooted in the Marxist concept of the united front, seeks to bring together trade unions, community movements and progressive organisations around a common minimum programme. The goal is to build a mass-based movement capable of resisting neoliberalism and advancing a socialist alternative. At the same time, the SACP continues to support the reconfiguration of the Alliance. This reconfiguration must involve democratic engagement, strategic coordination and mutual accountability. It cannot remain an informal arrangement in which the ANC monopolises decision-making. The Alliance must be restructured to reflect the balance of forces within society and the need for a socialist orientation to the National Democratic Revolution. The SACP's role within the Alliance must be recognised not only symbolically, but in the structural transformation of the economy. The pursuit of electoral independence and the building of a Left Popular Front are not contradictory. Both are responses to the changing material conditions of post-apartheid South Africa. The class character of the state has not shifted adequately. Racism, patriarchy and tribalism remain embedded in society. The transition to political democracy was a moment of historical importance, but without economic liberation, it remains incomplete. The second, more radical phase of the revolution demands bold and decisive leadership. The SACP has the historical legitimacy, ideological clarity and organisational roots to lead this phase. Its tradition of struggle, rooted in the working class, positions it to reclaim the revolutionary mandate of the liberation movement. The Party must now deepen its presence in communities, expand its cadre base, and develop the organisational capacity required to contest and exercise power. The ultimate aim is not merely parliamentary presence, but the creation of a socialist society in which all South Africans benefit from the country's wealth. The working class cannot afford further delay. The crisis of capitalism is sharpening. Forces opposed to economic justice are advancing ideologically and institutionally. The SACP must step forward as a unifying agent for the working-class struggle. In asserting its independence, the SACP is laying the foundations for a new phase of revolutionary advancement. * Dr Reneva Fourie is a policy analyst specialising in governance, development and security. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
