
Why Malaysia's new social media licences are disconcerting
The new social media licensing framework that Malaysia implemented on January 1 via legal amendments marks a significant regulatory shift in the country's digital landscape. This initiative mandates that social media platforms with more than 8 million users in Malaysia obtain an Applications Service Provider Class Licence. The government views this move as necessary to curb harmful online content, safeguard user privacy and hold platforms accountable for the material they host.
Previously, social media and internet-messaging providers were exempt from licensing requirements under the Communications and Multimedia (Licensing) (Exemption) Order 2000. This new framework, in mandating licences for platforms that meet the user threshold, signals a departure from that hands-off approach. While the licensing goals appear to promote proactive digital governance, the framework has sparked debate over its potential impact on freedom of expression, fairness and feasibility of implementation.
The feeble parliamentary vote of December 9, which saw 59 MPs supporting the legislative amendment, 40 opposing, and one abstaining – with 122 MPs absent from the Dewan Rakyat – underscored the contentious nature of the policy and reflected divisions even within the ruling coalition.
The Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC), which is responsible for implementing the policy, has stressed that platform self-regulation has been inadequate in mitigating rising digital threats in Malaysia. For instance, during the 2022 general election, racially charged content spread widely across social media, posing significant challenges in a diverse society like Malaysia. A view of central Kuala Lumpur. Malaysia's new social media licensing framework has fuelled concerns about freedom of expression. Photo: Shutterstock
The licensing requirements introduced through revisions to Section 211(c) of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 shift the responsibility for managing harmful content from individuals to the platforms themselves. These amendments replace the term 'person' with 'content application service provider' and significantly increase the maximum fine from 50,000 ringgit (US$11,200) to 1 million ringgit (US$224,000). However, while these amendments can be enforced independently, the licensing requirement introduces broader regulatory control, raising concerns about potential government overreach and its resemblance to past restrictive media laws.
Social media companies are now required to moderate content, prevent the spread of illegal material, and take proactive measures against harmful accounts. Stricter data protection rules have also been introduced to address privacy breaches and misuse of personal information. A key provision of the framework also requires licensed platforms to contribute 6 per cent of their Malaysian revenue to the Universal Service Provision Fund, an initiative to expand internet access in underserved communities.
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Asia Times
2 hours ago
- Asia Times
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Whereas a drone, a lithium-battery and a warhead cost well under $3,000, a Russian Tu-160 bomber costs in the region of $250 million. Ukraine's Operation Spider Web will have immediate and costly consequences for Russia, even if the strikes end up being less destructive than Kyiv currently claims. Surviving bombers will need to be relocated. Protecting bases from repeat attacks will mean erecting earthen revetments, installing radar-guided 30 mm cannons and electronic-warfare jammers to cover possible attack vectors. This all costs money. Even more importantly, the operation will divert trained soldiers and technicians who might otherwise rotate to the front line in support of the coming summer offensive. Russian MiG-31bm fighter jets, a Tu-160 strategic bomber and an Il-78 aerial refueling tanker fly over Moscow during a rehearsal for the WWII Victory Parade on May 4, 2022. 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Operators drove those trucks to presurveyed firing points and then deployed the drones at treetop height. Because each of the drones was a one-way weapon, a dozen pilots could work in parallel either close to the launch site or remotely, steering live-video feeds toward parked bombers. Videos of the strike suggest multiple near-simultaneous impacts across wide swaths of runway — enough to swamp any ad hoc small-arms response from perimeter guards. For Ukraine, the episode demonstrates a repeatable method for striking deep, well-defended assets. The same playbook can, in principle, be adapted to missile storage depots and, more importantly, factories across Russia mass-producing Shahed attack drones. Kyiv has needed to find a way to counter the waves of drones and ballistic missile strikes that in recent months have produced more damage than Russian cruise missiles. The Center for Strategic and International Studies' Firepower Strike Tracker has shown that Shaheds are now the most frequent and most cost-effective air weapon in Russia's campaign. But the implications of Operation Spider Web go far beyond the Russia-Ukraine conflict by undermining the old idea that rear areas are safe. Comparatively inexpensive drones, launched from inside Russia's own territory, wiped out aircraft that cost billions and underpin Moscow's long-range strike and nuclear signaling. That's a strategy than can be easily replicated by other attackers against other countries. Anyone who can smuggle, hide and pilot small drones can sabotage an adversary's ability to generate air attacks. Air forces that rely on large, fixed bases must either harden, disperse or accept that their runway is a new front line. Benjamin Jensen is professor of strategic studies at the Marine Corps University School of Advanced Warfighting and scholar-in-residence, American University School of International Service This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


RTHK
4 hours ago
- RTHK
'Progress made' in Japan-US tariff talks
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South China Morning Post
a day ago
- South China Morning Post
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