The great demographic heist: Illegal migration is rewriting India's future
India has the world's largest diaspora: over 35 million people. Each year, around 2.5 million Indians left the country in search of better air, better jobs, and better governance. Over 3,98,000 received official emigration clearances in 2023. Add students, startup founders, and HNW individuals relocating to Dubai condos and Canadian townhomes, and you begin to grasp the scale of the churn. Nearly 2,26,000 Indians renounced citizenship in 2022. This may seem small compared to India's 146.39 crore population, but their contribution to the economy is way disproportionate: a PRICE study says by 2030-31, the middle class and high-income segments would contribute nearly $2.7 trillion to incremental consumption. Imagine the loss from each citizen leaving town. What's causing this haemorrhage? Bad roads and worse governance. Draconian tax regimes. Courts that take decades to deliver verdicts. Public hospitals that function like holding pens. Police stations that intimidate the complainant. These emigrants aren't unpatriotic. They're just done waiting. Meanwhile illegal migration floods the informal labour market, driving down wages and increasing competition for welfare. Try questioning it, and you'll be branded as heartless, fascist, or worse.
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Hindustan Times
25 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Taste of Life: Issues of Marathi and Marathisation ‘alive in letter and spirit'
Language serves as a crucial link to one's past, culture, and identity. It becomes a symbol of identity when different ethnic groups compete for power and resources. For Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the assimilation of English, Persian, and Urdu words into Marathi was a symbol of the domination of foreign powers and the defeat of Indians. (Hindustan Times Archives) Language domination is a 'symbolic domination' that enables certain social and ethnic groups to maintain control over others by establishing their cultural practices and views as the norm. It creates a hierarchy where dominant languages and forms of communication are valued more highly than others, leading to unequal access to resources and opportunities. Policies that promote a single universal language serve to protect power structures. The imposition of a single language can be identified as a form of internal colonialism that serves to support the state's ideology of a homogeneous culture. On July 18, 1937, a unique ceremony was organised at the Gokhale Smarak Mandir in Pune under the chairmanship of professor Wamanrao Kale. An educational institution cum publishing house named 'Maratha Centre' had been established in Pune in the late 1920s. It offered courses on subjects such as shorthand, typewriting, bookkeeping, and accountancy. It had also published some books on the same. A sizeable crowd had assembled that day to witness the changing of the English name of this organisation to 'Marathi Kendra' in Marathi. This was one of the first attempts to 'purify' Marathi in Maharashtra. Espousing the 'purification' of Marathi was the 'Marathikaran Mandal' that was founded barely a week ago by Prahlad Keshav Atre, the celebrated writer, educationist, and editor; and Kakasaheb Limaye, the editor of Marathi newspaper 'Dnyanaprakash'. Lakshmanrao Bhopatkar was the president of the Mandal while its members comprised dignitaries like professor SM Mate, and professor SK Kanetkar, popularly known as Poet Girish. The objective of the Mandal was to replace Urdu, Persian, and English words that had been assimilated into Marathi. Atre and Limaye, both once critics of the 'purification' of the Marathi movement, had changed their stance after spending a few days with Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. 'Bhasha Shuddhi' (purification of language) was the most vociferous and effective movement set in motion by Savarkar. He used Marathi to further the cause of nationalism and ethnic and racial identity. On June 26, 1937, Savarkar addressed a large crowd at the Minerva Theatre in Pune, where he laid down his agenda for the 'purification' of Marathi. 'We are not against including words from other languages in Marathi, but we want to get rid of the words in foreign languages that have been imposed upon us, and replace them with words from our language or Sanskrit'. Around the same time, he endorsed Sanskritised Hindi as India's lingua franca. The movement for 'language purification' had gained momentum in Ireland and Turkey at that time and was used to endorse the same in Maharashtra. For Savarkar, the assimilation of English, Persian, and Urdu words into Marathi was a symbol of the domination of foreign powers and the defeat of Indians. If the country wanted to regain its past pride and glory, its languages had to be 'purified', he believed. He was present when Atre and others established the 'Marathikaran Mandal' in Pune. Allowing foreign words into Marathi was a mark of servitude, according to Atre. The task of weeding out those from Marathi could be done from the confines of one's home, and was essential in awakening the pride of our homeland and our language, he said while addressing the inaugural meeting of the Mandal. He also invoked Shridhar Venkatesh Ketkar, who, in 1924, had famously said, 'Marathi language is dead, its corpse lies before us'. The first mission of 'Marathikaran Mandal' was to change the names of shops and establishments in Pune to Marathi. Most of them were in English, even though many of the owners could not speak or understand the language and words like 'Saloon', 'Tailors', 'Hotel', and 'Restaurant' were used out of false pride, Atre said. Language defines the socio-economic class divide. The rapidly growing educated class in Maharashtra had normalised the use of English in personal communication and public exchanges, and discourses since the late nineteenth century. English was associated with the upper and upper-middle classes. It was seen as the carrier of western, liberal values and a symbol of sophistication. The promotion of the language of the ruling class can mask underlying racist ideologies. The dominance of English perpetuated social, political, and economic inequalities. But many, like Savarkar, opposed Persian and Urdu more than English. The 'Marathikaran Mandal' did not object to the use of certain words like college, doctor, advocate, professor, and of course, barrister, as Savarkar himself used it till his very end, but wanted the words guest house, boarding house, restaurant, hotel, and teahouse changed. Atre suggested using 'Poona Atithighar' instead of 'Poona Guest House' and 'Gundi Chahaghar' instead of 'Gundi Tea House'. He was referring to the teahouse owned by Subarao Devrao Gundi that was near the Jogeshwari Temple. He also wanted 'Maharashtra Hotel' changed to 'Maharashtra Faralghar'. Much before the 'Marathikaran Mandal', Narhar Ramchandra Parasnis had started the Marathisation campaign in Pune in 1931. He wrote a couple of articles in 'Dnyanprakash' and advocated Marathi equivalents for many English words that were in daily use. He proposed 'chaha bhavan' for a teahouse. According to him, Barve Brothers' Tea House was to be renamed as 'Barve Bandhu Chaha Bhavan'. The list contained 'bhojanalaya' or 'bhojangriha' for a boarding house; 'kshudhashantigriha', 'vishrantigriha', 'upahargriha' for refreshment houses and restaurants, and 'sheetapeyagriha' for a cold-drink house. Narayanrao Gundi's 'Rajbhuvan Tea House' and Giriappa Mijar's 'Santosh Bhuvan' were famous eateries in Pune at the time. Parasnis recommended using Rajbhuvan, Santoshbhuvan or Anandvilas as common nouns for all eateries. Atre thought that owners used English names and nouns to display grandeur. He lamented that most eateries in Pune were housed in tiny enclosures and were quite shabby, but still included 'hotel' in their names that misled customers. Shankarrao Navare, one of the members of the Mandal, knew someone who owned a 'khanaval'. The business of running a 'khanaval' was considered lowly, and hence, he was not able to get married. He then started calling himself a manager of a boarding house and was married within months. The representatives of the Mandal met the owners of several eateries and requested them to change their names. 'Dnyanaprakash' reported on October 3, 1937, that many owners conveyed the inability to do so since, according to them, English names were used because all the registration transactions by and with the local and Provincial governments were in English. Savarkar suggested that they could retain their original names, but add another board in Devnagari displaying the Marathi name. I do not know how many owners agreed to this. Using 'Saloon' or 'Tailors' was a way to bypass the notions of caste-based occupations and indicate that the proprietor did not belong to the caste with which the occupation was associated. Initiatives of 'Marathikaran Mandal' were mocked often. Atre and others issued clarifications time and again and asserted that they did not favour Sanskritised Marathi that was alien to many. 'We are not asking you to replace the work 'jilabi' with another Sanskrit or Marathi word', he said in one of his speeches. The issues of Marathi and Marathisation have stayed at the centre of Maharashtrian politics long after the demise of the 'Marathikaran Mandal'. Chinmay Damle is a research scientist and food enthusiast. He writes here on Pune's food culture. He can be contacted at
The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Leaders hail work of visionary scientist M.S. Swaminathan
The immunisation programme led by the country's first Health Minister, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, and the Green Revolution initiated by M.S. Swaminathan were the reasons for the decrease in the death rate in India, former West Bengal Governor Gopalkrishna Gandhi said in New Delhi on Wednesday (August 6, 2025). Speaking at the launch of The Man Who Fed India, a biography of Dr. Swaminathan by the Singapore-based author Priyambada Jayakumar, Mr. Gandhi said three English words known by all farmers in the country was 'Swaminathan Farmer Commission'. Mr. Gandhi said Dr. Swaminathan had been part of the group of scientists around the world who stood for humanity and nuclear disarmament. 'Swaminathan's works for agriculture has given India's farmers a life,' Mr. Gandhi said. In a panel discussion that followed the book release, Shashi Tharoor, MP, said Dr. Swaminathan worked at a time when the memories of Bengal famine were haunting the country. 'International contacts' Former Planning Board Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia said Dr. Swaminathan revolutionised the country's agriculture through his international contacts. DMK leader Kanimozhi said Dr. Swaminathan's works for empowering women and ensuring ecologically friendly agriculture practices were not discussed the way it deserved.
Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
Samik: TMC hurting workers by pushing them out of Bengal
Kolkata: As Trinamool stepped up the heat against BJP over torture of Bengali-speaking migrants, state BJP president Samik Bhattacharya claimed that it was TMC that was hurting migrant labourers by pushing them to work outside Bengal. "It is Trinamool which is responsible for the infiltration of Bangladeshis and Rohingyas, forcing the poor migrants out," Bhattacharya claimed while speaking to reporters outside Parliament. "BJP is a party of Bengal, of Bengalis and Indians. This is not a party of Rohingyas or Bangladeshi jihadis. We will not let West Bengal be West Bangladesh," he added. Squarely blaming Trinamool for engineering a demographic shift in the districts bordering Bangladesh, Bhattacharya alleged, "Who has poisoned Bengal? Who has shamed Bengal? It is Trinamool. In Darivit, two students were killed demanding Bengali language teachers instead of Urdu. What has the Bengal govt done?" Referring to the TMC protests, he said, "Everyone has the right to protest, but it does not hide what people see in open daylight. " You Can Also Check: Kolkata AQI | Weather in Kolkata | Bank Holidays in Kolkata | Public Holidays in Kolkata
