logo
Prabowo's efficiency drive takes toll on Jakarta starred hotels

Prabowo's efficiency drive takes toll on Jakarta starred hotels

Nikkei Asia02-07-2025
Five-star hotels in central Jakarta: Civil servants are discouraged from holding meetings and seminars at hotels, hitting their occupancy rates and revenues. (Photo by Ken Kobayashi)
JOSEPH RACHMAN
JAKARTA -- Hotels in the Indonesian capital are taking a hit from President Prabowo Subianto's efficiency drive, losing a big chunk of their regular customers as civil servants are denied one of their job perks: free hotel stays.
Jakarta hotels have long relied not on leisure tourism, but on meetings, incentives, conferences and events, known in the industry as MICE. Among their key customers are civil servants from ministries and other state institutions, who for many years have held events at hotels.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Indonesia's Recent Banking Boom, Explained
Indonesia's Recent Banking Boom, Explained

The Diplomat

time5 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

Indonesia's Recent Banking Boom, Explained

Indonesian banks have been on a tear over the last several years, posting record profits while their balance sheets grew rapidly. According to the financial services regulator, at the end of 2024, commercial banks in Indonesia held assets totaling $779 billion (assuming a rate of 16,000 rupiah to the dollar). This breakneck growth has led to robust earnings, with the sector posting combined after-tax profits of $16 billion last year and $15 billion in 2023. So why is this happening, and will it last? First, we need to go back a couple of years and look at what caused the boom. Somewhat counterintuitively, the pandemic ended up being very good for the bottom line of big commercial banks. With the world on lockdown, people took money they normally would have spent on other things and simply put it in the bank. Customer deposits in the Indonesian banking system increased 36 percent from 2019 to 2022. Normally, banks take customer deposits and make loans, but they weren't really able to do that during the pandemic because the economy was in a state of suspended animation. Governments, on the other hand, including the Indonesian government, were spending money as they began running large deficits and issuing debt to fund stimulus packages while the world was on lockdown. A lot of these bonds were absorbed by the banking system. In 2019, Indonesian banks held around $45 billion worth of bonds on their balance sheets. By 2022, that figure had more than doubled to $97 billion. Also in 2022, after two years of this wait-and-see approach, banks got back to lending at scale, with loans growing around 10 percent each year from 2022 to 2024. In essence, the pandemic pushed a lot of money into the banking system, which banks used to buy bonds (which in Indonesia have fairly attractive yields) when lending opportunities became scarce. As the economy recovered, these banks began unwinding some of their bond positions and sped up the pace of loan issuance. It was this period, from 2022 to 2024, when the big banks started posting huge profits as interest rates went up. Indonesia's commercial banking system is dominated by four major players. Bank Mandiri, Bank Rakyat Indonesia (BRI) and Bank Negara Indonesia are majority-owned by the state. In 2024, they had combined assets of $347 billion, and after-tax income of over $9 billion. Together, they paid investors over $5.7 billion in dividends last year, with BRI alone paying out around $3 billion. The fourth major player, Bank Central Asia, does not have state ownership but had a great year, reporting an after-tax profit of $3.4 billion. One interesting thing is that while overall lending in the commercial banking system grew 10 percent in 2024, deposits only grew 4.5 percent. The pandemic days, when people were putting money into accounts faster than banks could lend it out, are over, and we should probably expect deposits to rise at a more modest rate in the near term. How will this affect Indonesia's booming commercial banks? From a systemic point of view, the banking sector seems to be on a pretty sound footing. While the pace of deposits and perhaps lending may be slowing, reserves held by banks to cover non-performing loans have been decreasing. That means, for the time being, it does not appear that borrowers are defaulting en masse. The overall loan to deposit ratio in the commercial banking sector was also around 89 percent in 2024, lower than it was in 2019, which is a fairly conservative ratio. It tells us the system is not highly leveraged and can likely withstand some stress in the event of an unexpected external shock like, say, a trade war. It also means there is room for more loan growth, as long as consumers and businesses are in need of financing. While the system may be on solid footing, we will have to wait and see if the big banks continue booking massive profits or if that was the result of unique circumstances forced upon the sector during and immediately after the pandemic. If consumer purchasing power is really being squeezed and business and investor sentiment is turning negative, as has been reported by various outlets, it will start to show up in the earnings of the big banks sooner or later, as there will be less demand for credit and default rates will begin ticking up. And this is something we should keep a close eye on in the coming years, because Indonesia's growing phalanx of state-run investment funds is increasingly turning to state-owned banks, which have been very reliable cashflow generators in recent years, to help fund their activities. The size of Mandiri's dividend is no longer just of interest to shareholders, but is a key piece of data that will help us better understand how Indonesia's new state-run investment funds are being structured and operated.

Indonesian State Investment Fund to Pursue Railway Debt Restructuring
Indonesian State Investment Fund to Pursue Railway Debt Restructuring

The Diplomat

time5 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

Indonesian State Investment Fund to Pursue Railway Debt Restructuring

Indonesia's new sovereign fund Danantara is working on a debt restructuring plan for the China-backed Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway, which has left the country with a heavy debt burden. The $7.3 billion rail line, which links the capital Jakarta to the city of Bandung in West Java, began operations in October 2023. With a maximum speed of 350 kilometers per hour, the train, which is officially known as Whoosh, has cut travel time between the two cities from three hours to around 40 minutes. While the rail line recorded 2.9 million passengers in the first half of this year, a 10 percent increase on the same period in 2024, the project has created a considerable debt burden for the Indonesian government. Since its inception in 2015, the railway project has been spearheaded by PT Kereta Cepat Indonesia China (KCIC), a joint venture between a consortium of Chinese state-owned companies and a consortium of four Indonesian state-owned companies. Of the total estimated cost of $6 billion, 75 percent was contributed by a $4.5 billion loan from the China Development Bank, while the remaining 25 percent was contributed by Indonesian and Chinese shareholders in KCIC. However, the project experienced a series of delays and cost overruns due to the COVID-19 pandemic and complications in land acquisition. In February 2023, the Indonesian and Chinese governments agreed on a cost overrun of 18 trillion rupiah (around $1.2 billion). According to an article by ThinkChina, this officially made the Whoosh the most expensive infrastructure project undertaken under the aegis of China's Belt and Road Initiative, 'more so than the China-Laos Railway, the Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway, and the Mombasa-Nairobi Railway, all built by China, at a price range of US$4-6 billion each.' While China set a 2 percent annual interest rate for the original portion of the loan, it has charged a higher 3.4 percent annual interest rate for the money borrowed to pay the cost overrun. According to a report in the Jakarta Globe, Danantara's head, Rosan Roeslani, told reporters on Tuesday evening that the agency was trying to find ways to change the terms to make the loans easier to pay back. 'We are evaluating [the project]. If we carry out a corporate action, we completely take care of it [the debt], and not just postpone it,' the paper quoted Rosan as saying. 'However, we will find ways on how we can restructure Whoosh's [debt].' Rosan did not disclose the specifics of how Danantara would seek to reduce the debt burden, either by a reduction in the interest rate or the extension of the loan term. The Jakarta-Bandung high-speed railway has the distinction of being Southeast Asia's first fully-fledged high-speed railway. (The Laos-China Railway, another Chinese-backed project that began operations in late 2021, runs at a slightly slower speed.) It therefore occupies an important place in China-Indonesia relations, something that probably ensures that Indonesia will be able to negotiate a debt restructuring of some kind, but also probably imposes limits on how hard it can afford to push. Meanwhile, President Prabowo Subianto is reportedly mulling plans to extend the line eastward to Surabaya, the capital of East Java. In late July, Coordinating Minister for Infrastructure and Regional Development Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono announced that the government is preparing a new regulatory framework for the extension of the line. 'President Prabowo has given clear instructions to expand the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed train line to Surabaya,' he said, according to the state news agency Antara. He said that Prabowo wished to integrate further the island of Java, and that 'the key to this vision is to strengthen the Bandung-Surabaya corridor.'

How Prabowo is Rewriting Indonesia's Diplomatic Playbook
How Prabowo is Rewriting Indonesia's Diplomatic Playbook

The Diplomat

timea day ago

  • The Diplomat

How Prabowo is Rewriting Indonesia's Diplomatic Playbook

With 26 overseas visits in nine months, the president is betting big on face-to-face diplomacy. His approach has won visibility, but critics warn of unintended regional consequences. Under President Prabowo Subianto, Indonesian diplomacy has taken a distinctive turn. Rather than relying solely on his foreign ministry, Prabowo has been personally performing diplomatic roles on the international stage. In the nine months since his inauguration on October 21, 2024, he has visited 26 countries for bilateral and multilateral meetings. This practice of diplomacy at the highest level is known as summit diplomacy. It involves heads of state or government engaging directly with their counterparts to negotiate, build trust or assert national interests. Summit diplomacy is not new or uncommon in international relations. Many political leaders have, from time to time, taken direct control over aspects of foreign policy. Historically, summit diplomacy reflected the urgency or gravity of the issues at hand — topics such as war and peace, nuclear disarmament or the founding of new global institutions. These were seen as matters too consequential to be delegated entirely to professional diplomats. Examples include the meetings between British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and German Chancellor Adolf Hitler before World War II; the wartime conferences between Prime Minister Winston Churchill representing the U.K., President Franklin D. Roosevelt representing the United States, and Soviet leader Josef Stalin in 1945; U.S. President John F. Kennedy's 1961 summit with the USSR's Nikita Khrushchev; and U.S. President Ronald Reagan's meeting with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985. In more recent decades, however, summit diplomacy has broadened in scope. It is no longer confined to issues of high politics. Instead, it is increasingly used to advance economic, technological and regional agendas. Prabowo's approach fits within this trend, though his intensity and frequency of engagement mark a significant shift in Indonesia's diplomatic posture His preference for summit diplomacy may also reflect a key pledge, made during his presidential campaign, to raise Indonesia's global stature and expand its influence. Summit diplomacy supports this goal not only by enhancing visibility but also by signaling Indonesia's readiness to take on a more active role in global affairs. A president's personal involvement often attracts media attention and international recognition. More importantly, direct dialogue can build stronger bilateral ties and demonstrate Indonesia's commitment to multilateral frameworks. Mixed Results Prabowo, who was earlier defense minister, began his engagement with foreign affairs even before his inauguration as president by visiting 15 countries. At the 2023 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, he sparked controversy with his proposal to end the war between Russia and Ukraine. Prabowo floated the idea of a demilitarized zone between Russia and Ukraine and a United Nations referendum in what he called disputed territory without consulting or informing his colleagues at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the president. His summit diplomacy as president has drawn praise from some quarters. His state visits to Saudi Arabia, Brazil, and various European countries have been described as highly productive. Indonesia's recent accession to the BRICS grouping of countries and his attendance at the 2025 BRICS Summit in Rio de Janeiro signalled Indonesia's deeper alignment with emerging global powers. A tangible outcome of Prabowo's summit diplomacy was the political agreement with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, which advanced the stalled Indonesia–European Union Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. The agreement has since moved into its final negotiation stage. Similarly, Prabowo's direct phone diplomacy with U.S. President Donald Trump led to a breakthrough trade deal: the reduction of U.S. import tariffs on Indonesian goods from 32 percent to 19 percent. As a result, Indonesia now enjoys the lowest tariff rate of any Southeast Asian country trading with the United States. But summit diplomacy is not without its detractors. While it can help build partnerships or resolve crises, there are also instances where it has produced limited or even counterproductive outcomes. One such example is the 2018 meeting between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in Singapore. Hailed initially as a diplomatic breakthrough, the summit ended without a formal agreement and failed to halt North Korea's weapons program. Within months, tensions between the two countries had returned. The appeal of summit diplomacy lies in personal contact. When leaders meet face to face, they can cut through bureaucratic inertia and establish rapport that formal channels may struggle to achieve. However, the highly personalized nature of summit diplomacy also brings risk. Diplomacy conducted without sufficient institutional backing or consultation can lead to missteps. In Prabowo's case, his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in November 2024 has generated controversy. The joint development agreement signed between the two leaders in disputed maritime areas was criticized for overlooking the sensitivities of Indonesia's ASEAN neighbors. Analysts warned that the move could heighten tensions in the already volatile South China Sea. Prabowo was also seen as making another blunder with his plan to evacuate 1,000 Palestinians from Gaza. To support his plan, Prabowo travelled to the five key countries on the Palestinian issue: the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Turkey, Egypt, Qatar, and Jordan. However, the plan did not resonate positively at home. At the same time, the major Arab countries have made it very clear that they reject any relocation plans for Palestinians out of their territories in Gaza and the occupied West Bank. Role of Institutions These two policies illustrate a broader concern: summit diplomacy, while useful for signaling intent and building momentum, often lacks the institutional depth needed for durable policy outcomes. Many high-profile summits conclude with joint declarations but no clear mechanisms for follow-up implementation. To be effective, summit diplomacy needs to be integrated into a broader institutional framework. Institutionalization helps ensure that agreements are not only negotiated but also monitored, executed and evaluated. This is especially true in multilateral settings, where complex coordination is required. Indonesia's hosting of the G20 Summit in 2022 offers a model of institutionalized summit diplomacy. Despite deep global divisions at the time over the war in Ukraine, rising inflation and economic instability, the G20 produced a joint communiqué. Much of the credit went to the preparatory work done by sherpas, the senior government officials who engaged in months of negotiations to craft language acceptable to all sides. Without this groundwork, the summit might have ended in deadlock. As Indonesia under Prabowo pursues a more assertive foreign policy, summit diplomacy will likely remain a key instrument. However, to avoid the pitfalls of over-personalization, it must be supported by sustained institutional engagement, regional coordination and clear implementation strategies. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store