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U.N., media groups condemn Israel's deadly strike on Al Jazeera team in Gaza

U.N., media groups condemn Israel's deadly strike on Al Jazeera team in Gaza

Japan Today7 hours ago
The strike that killed the Al-Jazeera journalists came with Israel preparing to expand its campaign in the Gaza Strip
By David Stout
Condemnations poured in from the United Nations and media rights groups on Monday after an Israeli strike killed an Al Jazeera news team in Gaza, as Palestinians mourned the journalists and Israel accused one of them of being a Hamas militant.
Dozens of Gazans stood amid bombed-out buildings in the courtyard of Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City to pay their respects to Anas al-Sharif, a prominent Al Jazeera correspondent aged 28, and four of his colleagues killed on Sunday.
Hospital director Mohammed Abu Salmiya said a sixth journalist, freelance reporter Mohammed Al-Khaldi, was killed in the strike that targeted the Al Jazeera team.
Mourners including men wearing blue journalists' flak jackets carried their bodies, wrapped in white shrouds with their faces exposed, through narrow alleys to their graves.
Israel confirmed it had targeted Sharif, whom it labelled a "terrorist" affiliated with Hamas, alleging he "posed as a journalist".
Al Jazeera said four other employees -- correspondent Mohammed Qreiqeh, and cameramen Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal and Moamen Aliwa -- were killed when the strike hit a tent set up for journalists outside the main gate of Al-Shifa.
An Israeli military statement accused Sharif of heading a Hamas "terrorist cell" and being "responsible for advancing rocket attacks" against Israelis.
The military released documents alleging to show the date of Sharif's enlistment with Hamas in 2013, an injury report from 2017 and the name of his military unit and rank.
According to local journalists who knew him, Sharif had worked at the start of his career with a Hamas communication office, where his role was to publicize events organized by the group that has ruled the Gaza Strip since 2006.
Sharif was one of the Al Jazeera's most recognizable faces working on the ground in Gaza, providing daily reports on the now 22-month-old war.
Media freedom groups have condemned the Israeli strike on journalists, which the UN human rights agency called a "grave breach of international humanitarian law".
A posthumous message, written by Sharif in April in case of his death, was published online saying he had been silenced and urging people "not to forget Gaza".
In July, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) called for his protection following online posts by an Israeli military spokesman.
The group had accused Israel of a "pattern" of labeling journalists militants "without providing credible evidence", and said the military had leveled similar accusations against media workers in Gaza including Al Jazeera staff.
"International law is clear that active combatants are the only justified targets in a war setting," Jodie Ginsberg, CPJ's chief executive, told AFP on Monday.
Unless Israel "can demonstrate that Anas al-Sharif was still an active combatant, then there is no justification for his killing", she said.
Al Jazeera called the attack "a desperate attempt to silence voices exposing the Israeli occupation", as it described Sharif as "one of Gaza's bravest journalists".
The Qatari broadcaster also said the strike followed "repeated incitement" and calls by Israeli officials to target Sharif and his colleagues.
Reporters Without Borders says nearly 200 journalists have been killed in the war, which was sparked by Hamas's October 2023 attack on Israel.
Israel prevents international reporters from entering Gaza, except on occasional tightly controlled trips with the military.
The strike on the news team in Gaza City came days after the Israeli security cabinet had approved plans to sent troops into the area, a decision met with mounting domestic and international criticism.
Netanyahu on Sunday said the military will conquer the remaining quarter or so of the territory not yet controlled by Israeli troops -- including much of Gaza City and Al-Mawasi, an Israeli-designated safe zone where huge numbers of Palestinians have sought refuge.
The plan, which Israeli media reported had triggered bitter disagreement between the government and military leadership, drew condemnation from protesters in Israel and numerous countries, including Israeli allies.
Notably, Germany, a major weapons supplier and staunch ally, announced the suspension of shipments of any arms that could be used in Gaza.
Australia said it would join a growing list of Western nations in recognizing a Palestinian state.
Netanyahu has remained defiant, telling journalists on Sunday that "we will win the war, with or without the support of others."
The United Nations and humanitarian agencies have condemned the planned offensive, which U.N. Assistant Secretary-General Miroslav Jenca said "will likely trigger another calamity in Gaza".
U.N. agencies warned last month that famine was unfolding in the territory, with Israel severely restricting the entry of aid.
Israel's offensive has killed at least 61,499 Palestinians, according to the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza, figures the United Nations says are reliable.
Hamas's October 2023 attack on Israel resulted in the deaths of 1,219 people, according to an AFP tally based on official figures.
© 2025 AFP
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Australian PM Albanese says Netanyahu 'in denial' over suffering in Gaza
Australian PM Albanese says Netanyahu 'in denial' over suffering in Gaza

Japan Today

time35 minutes ago

  • Japan Today

Australian PM Albanese says Netanyahu 'in denial' over suffering in Gaza

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Israeli Strikes Kill Journalists and Aid-Seekers as Australia Backs Palestinian Statehood
Israeli Strikes Kill Journalists and Aid-Seekers as Australia Backs Palestinian Statehood

Yomiuri Shimbun

timean hour ago

  • Yomiuri Shimbun

Israeli Strikes Kill Journalists and Aid-Seekers as Australia Backs Palestinian Statehood

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'Out of nowhere, you find bullets from everywhere.' Ahmed Atta said he helped carry a wounded man from the Teina area who had been shot in his shoulder and was bleeding. 'It's a pattern,' Atta said of the Israeli gunfire toward aid seekers. Aid seekers were killed from 3 kilometers (nearly 2 miles) to just hundreds of meters (yards) from sites operated by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, according to Nasser and Awda hospitals. The United States and Israel support the American contractor as an alternative to the United Nations, which they say allows Hamas to siphon off aid. The U.N., which has delivered aid throughout Gaza for decades when conditions allow, denies the allegations. The latest deaths raise the toll to more than 1,700 people killed while seeking food since the new aid distribution system began in May, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. U.N. agencies generally do not accept Israeli military escorts for aid trucks, citing concerns over neutrality, and its convoys have come under fire amid severe food shortages. The deaths came hours after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called reports about conditions in Gaza a 'global campaign of lies,' and announced plans to move deeper into the territory and push to dismantle Hamas. Five more Palestinians, including a child, died of malnutrition-related causes in Gaza in the past 24 hours, the health ministry said. Israel increased the flow of supplies two weeks ago amid such concerns. Israeli strike targets and kills Al Jazeera journalists Israel's military targeted an Al Jazeera correspondent with an airstrike Sunday, killing him. The strike killed a total of eight people, including six journalists and two other civilians, according to Shifa Hospital. Press advocates described the attack as a brazen assault on those documenting the war. The network said that along with its correspondent, four others of the slain journalists also worked for Al Jazeera. The Israeli military claimed responsibility for the strike. It came less than a year after Israeli army officials first accused correspondent Anas al-Sharif and other Al Jazeera journalists of being members of the militant groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad, an allegation that Al Jazeera and al-Sharif have previously dismissed as baseless. Al Jazeera called the strike a 'targeted assassination' while press freedom groups denounced the rising death toll facing Palestinian journalists working in Gaza. Mourners laid the journalists to rest in Gaza City. Hamas-led militants abducted 251 people and killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, in the Oct. 7, 2023, attack that triggered the war. Most of the hostages have been released in ceasefires or other deals but 50 remain inside Gaza. Israel believes around 20 are still alive. 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He said his government's decision aimed to build momentum toward a two-state solution, which he called the best path to ending violence and bringing leadership other than Hamas to Gaza. 'The situation in Gaza has gone beyond the world's worst fears,' he said. 'The Israeli government continues to defy international law and deny sufficient aid, food and water to desperate people, including children.' Also on Monday Italy's Premier Giorgia Meloni announced new aid to Gaza in a phone conversation with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. She stressed the need to bring hostilities with Israel to an immediate halt and 'shared her deep concern about recent Israeli decisions that appear to be leading to further military escalation,' her office said in a statement. Meloni reiterated that 'the humanitarian situation in Gaza is unjustifiable and unacceptable.' 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CEAPAD and Japan's Cautious Approach to Palestine
CEAPAD and Japan's Cautious Approach to Palestine

The Diplomat

time6 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

CEAPAD and Japan's Cautious Approach to Palestine

There is a growing push by G-7 member states to frame Palestinian recognition as diplomatic censure of Israel's conduct in Gaza. France has pledged unconditional recognition; the United Kingdom has announced plans to recognize Palestine at the United Nations General Assembly absent 'substantive steps' toward a ceasefire; and Canada has joined the chorus, conditional on Palestinian Authority reforms. Rather than aligning with this momentum, Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Hayashi Yoshimasa reiterated Tokyo's commitment to 'supporting progress for peace,' including 'the appropriate timing and methods' for advancing that goal. This careful positioning echoes earlier remarks by Japanese Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi, who reaffirmed Japan's longstanding support for a two-state solution and spotlighted Japan's flagship mechanism to channel aid and foster peace: the Conference on Cooperation among East Asian Countries for Palestinian Development (CEAPAD). Technocratic and apolitical by design, CEAPAD encapsulates Japan's longstanding approach to the Israel-Palestine issue – cautious, development-oriented, and rooted in quiet multilateralism. This preference has shaped Japan's engagement since it became one of the most steadfast bilateral supporters of Palestinian development among G-7 nations, as reflected in its extensive aid portfolio – over $2.6 billion disbursed to date, including $230 million since October 2023 alone. In March 2025, Japan, for the first time, received wounded Palestinians for medical treatment. Tokyo's approach, though consistent, now stands in sharper relief as global diplomacy recalibrates in response to the Gaza War's devastation. CEAPAD was launched in 2013, during a window of relative diplomatic opportunity shaped by the Arab Spring's aftermath and the Obama administration's cautious optimism. More than a decade later, the conflict-averse logic underpinning CEAPAD remains unchanged. Its fourth meeting (CEAPAD IV) was held in Kuala Lumpur in July 2025 – nearly two years after an attack on Israelis by Hamas triggered a massive Israeli invasion that has killed over 63,000 people. Yet despite the ongoing conflict, the forum – attended by Japan, ASEAN states, South Korea, Palestine, and the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) – offered little beyond routine calls for humanitarian access, reconstruction, and a reaffirmation of the two-state solution. Its 2025 action plan emphasized capacity-building and development support, once again highlighting the Jericho Agro-Industrial Park (JAIP) – a 'first-of-its-kind' initiative conceived nearly two decades ago. Yet, JAIP now reads less as a forward-looking strategy and more as a legacy project, emblematic of CEAPAD's continuity at the expense of relevance amid radically altered realities on the ground. This cautious logic extended to Japan's most recent tenure on the United Nations Security Council (2023–2024), where it adhered to familiar lines: condemning Hamas, affirming Israel's right to self-defense within international law, and supporting humanitarian aid to Gaza. But this formulaic posture quickly buckled under pressure. Japan's initial reluctance to label the October 7 attacks as 'terrorism' drew accusations of hedging, even as officials framed it as 'flexibility.' Japan's subsequent support for humanitarian resolutions – occasionally diverging from U.S. positions – was meant to convey neutrality but failed to persuade. Its rejection of a Russian-sponsored resolution, citing the absence of Hamas condemnation, was widely read in Arab capitals as tacit approval of Israel's campaign, revealing the limits of Tokyo's risk-averse, rules-based diplomacy at a time when moral clarity was increasingly expected. Such diplomatic hedging reflects deeper constraints that have long shaped Japan's role in the Middle East. More than 90 percent of its oil imports come from the region, reinforcing the imperative to maintain stable ties with Gulf producers. Constitutional pacifism limits Tokyo to humanitarian and development roles, while the strength of the Japan-U.S. alliance – underpinned by Washington's staunch support for Israel – discourages political positioning that might jeopardize this strategic cornerstone. CEAPAD, in this light, is not an outlier but a microcosm of the dilemmas that have long defined Japan's regional engagement. Designed to avoid overt political confrontation, CEAPAD now struggles to respond meaningfully to the very crisis it was meant to address. Japan's tendency to follow rather than shape diplomatic responses has cast it less as a principled actor than a hand-wringing one. The dissonance is particularly stark at home. While public dissent in Japan historically remains subdued, the Gaza War has elicited sustained mobilization – rallies in Shibuya, persistent campus encampments, lone protesters holding banners for months. Even municipal actors have broken with precedent: Nagasaki's city council passed a rare resolution urging diplomatic pressure in support of Gaza, and the city's mayor declined to invite the Israeli ambassador to its annual Peace Memorial Ceremony. In the corporate sphere, Itochu Corporation withdrew from defense partnerships with Israel's Elbit Systems in early 2024, with Nippon Express soon following. These signals of domestic unease have not shifted official policy, but they expose a widening gap between Japan's bureaucratic steadiness and the moral urgency resonating across parts of its public and corporate sectors. CEAPAD's internal divisions mirror the broader diplomatic gridlock. While launched by Japan, the forum includes ASEAN members with sharply divergent positions on the conflict. Malaysia has adopted a starkly pro-Hamas stance, refusing Israeli ship entries and accusing Israel of genocide. Indonesia has endorsed South Africa's genocide case and called for Israel's suspension from the United Nations. Brunei supports full U.N. membership for Palestine. At the other end, Singapore and the Philippines reflect a more cautious line, endorsing the two-state solution but resisting punitive measures. Crucially, the Palestinian delegation at CEAPAD IV was led by a West Bank-based minister with no authority in Gaza. Since Hamas seized control of the enclave in 2007, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has played no role in its day-to-day governance of Gaza. Long before the current war, Hamas oversaw civil administration, managed aid, and employed tens of thousands of civil servants – including teachers, police, and bureaucrats – forming the core of Gaza's public sector. Despite the war's devastation, fragments of this apparatus remain intact. CEAPAD, in effect, channels development support through a leadership that has been structurally excluded from half the territory it claims to represent. The PA's legitimacy crisis compounds the problem. A poll by the Arab World for Research and Development (AWRAD) found that only 31 percent of Gazans support a PA-led government, while 47 percent prefer a national unity arrangement. In the West Bank, just 10 percent back the PA, with 25 percent favoring Hamas. Across both territories, over 60 percent of respondents describe the PA as a burden. CEAPAD's continued focus on West Bank institutions and PA-centric frameworks only deepens its disconnect from Palestinian political realities. UNRWA's mounting controversies have further exposed CEAPAD's institutional fragility. It is now entangled in mounting legal and political controversies. A new U.S. lawsuit filed in August 2025 accuses the agency of aiding Hamas and Hezbollah, following the Trump administration's rollback of immunity protections. This follows earlier suits filed by victims of the October 7 attack. At CEAPAD IV, Iwaya reiterated Japan's intent to 'consider necessary assistance' to UNRWA, while encouraging 'enhancement of its governance.' Yet that message sits uneasily with the agency's deteriorating operational environment. Recent Israeli legislation has banned UNRWA operations in parts of East Jerusalem and sharply curtailed its access to Gaza. Japan's temporary funding suspension – later reversed – was emblematic of the reputational fallout that now shadows CEAPAD's legitimacy. This ideological dissonance hampers CEAPAD's ability to function as a strategic forum. The forum's lowest-common-denominator messaging—'two-state solution,' 'capacity-building,' 'aid delivery'—feels increasingly unmoored from the cacophony on the ground. What once passed for pragmatic ambiguity now risks irrelevance. The Middle East that CEAPAD was built to serve has been remapped. The Gaza War has torn open a Pandora's box of intractable grievances, exposing the fragility of long-favored diplomatic approaches to the Palestinian question. Whether Japan is prepared to recalibrate remains to be seen. In this altered landscape, CEAPAD – once a distinctive East Asian contribution to Palestinian state-building and a clever workaround for regional sensitivities – now feels adrift. CEAPAD, and Japan's approach to Palestine more broadly, increasingly resembles old wine in an old bottle: its framework frozen in a bygone era, ill-suited to the urgency and complexity of the present.

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