Israeli Strikes Kill Journalists and Aid-Seekers as Australia Backs Palestinian Statehood
Hospital officials reported at least 34 people were killed on Monday, not including journalists who were slain in a tent shortly before midnight.
More than 15 people were killed while waiting for aid at the Zikim crossing in northern Gaza, said Fares Awad, head of the ambulance services in northern Gaza.
Israel's military did not immediately respond to questions about the deaths. Earlier on Monday, it said air and artillery units were operating in northern Gaza and in Khan Younis, where resident Noha Abu Shamala told The Associated Press that two drone strikes killed a family of seven in their apartment.
A dozen more people killed seeking aid
Among the dead were at least 12 aid seekers killed by Israeli gunfire while trying to reach distribution points, or awaiting aid convoys, according to officials at two hospitals and witnesses.
The Palestine Red Crescent Society said its Saraya Field Hospital received about 30 injured from the Zikim area. Al-Shifa hospital received five bodies and over 70 wounded, said Mohamed Abu Selmiya, the hospital's director.
Relatives said casualties included children and an infant. Witnesses to gunfire near the Morag corridor said they saw barrages of bullets and later dead bodies, describing the grim scene as a near-daily occurrence.
The AP spoke to five witnesses who were among the crowds in central Gaza, the Teina area and the Morag corridor. All said that Israeli forces had fired toward the crowds.
'The occupation (forces) targeted us, as they do every day,' said Hussain Matter, a displaced father of two who was in the Morag corridor. 'Out of nowhere, you find bullets from everywhere.'
Ahmed Atta said he helped carry a wounded man from the Teina area who had been shot in his shoulder and was bleeding. 'It's a pattern,' Atta said of the Israeli gunfire toward aid seekers.
Aid seekers were killed from 3 kilometers (nearly 2 miles) to just hundreds of meters (yards) from sites operated by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, according to Nasser and Awda hospitals.
The United States and Israel support the American contractor as an alternative to the United Nations, which they say allows Hamas to siphon off aid. The U.N., which has delivered aid throughout Gaza for decades when conditions allow, denies the allegations.
The latest deaths raise the toll to more than 1,700 people killed while seeking food since the new aid distribution system began in May, according to Gaza's Health Ministry.
U.N. agencies generally do not accept Israeli military escorts for aid trucks, citing concerns over neutrality, and its convoys have come under fire amid severe food shortages.
The deaths came hours after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called reports about conditions in Gaza a 'global campaign of lies,' and announced plans to move deeper into the territory and push to dismantle Hamas.
Five more Palestinians, including a child, died of malnutrition-related causes in Gaza in the past 24 hours, the health ministry said.
Israel increased the flow of supplies two weeks ago amid such concerns.
Israeli strike targets and kills Al Jazeera journalists
Israel's military targeted an Al Jazeera correspondent with an airstrike Sunday, killing him. The strike killed a total of eight people, including six journalists and two other civilians, according to Shifa Hospital. Press advocates described the attack as a brazen assault on those documenting the war.
The network said that along with its correspondent, four others of the slain journalists also worked for Al Jazeera.
The Israeli military claimed responsibility for the strike. It came less than a year after Israeli army officials first accused correspondent Anas al-Sharif and other Al Jazeera journalists of being members of the militant groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad, an allegation that Al Jazeera and al-Sharif have previously dismissed as baseless.
Al Jazeera called the strike a 'targeted assassination' while press freedom groups denounced the rising death toll facing Palestinian journalists working in Gaza. Mourners laid the journalists to rest in Gaza City.
Hamas-led militants abducted 251 people and killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, in the Oct. 7, 2023, attack that triggered the war. Most of the hostages have been released in ceasefires or other deals but 50 remain inside Gaza. Israel believes around 20 are still alive.
Israel's air and ground offensive has since displaced most of the population, destroyed vast areas and pushed the territory toward famine. It has killed more than 61,400 Palestinians, according to Gaza's Health Ministry, which does not say how many were fighters or civilians but says around half were women and children.
Besides those killed, 121 adults and 101 children have died of malnutrition-related causes, including five in the past 24 hours, the ministry said. One was a child.
The ministry is part of the Hamas-run government and staffed by medical professionals. The U.N. and independent experts consider it the most reliable source on war casualties. Israel disputes its figures but has not provided its own.
International reaction
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on Monday added his country to a list moving toward recognition of a state of Palestine, along with France, Britain and Canada. He said his government's decision aimed to build momentum toward a two-state solution, which he called the best path to ending violence and bringing leadership other than Hamas to Gaza.
'The situation in Gaza has gone beyond the world's worst fears,' he said. 'The Israeli government continues to defy international law and deny sufficient aid, food and water to desperate people, including children.'
Also on Monday Italy's Premier Giorgia Meloni announced new aid to Gaza in a phone conversation with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. She stressed the need to bring hostilities with Israel to an immediate halt and 'shared her deep concern about recent Israeli decisions that appear to be leading to further military escalation,' her office said in a statement.
Meloni reiterated that 'the humanitarian situation in Gaza is unjustifiable and unacceptable.'
Italy's Defense Minister Guido Crosetto also told the Italian daily La Stampa Monday that Israel's government has 'lost reason and humanity' over Gaza and raised the possibility of imposing sanctions.
Egypt seeking talks
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty confirmed Monday that Egypt is pushing for negotiations to reach a deal that would end the war in Gaza, release Israeli hostages, guarantee aid entry and ultimately agree on a political road map that would lead to establishing a Palestinian state.
Deploying international forces to support establishing a Palestinian state was previously proposed throughout the war, but Israel has opposed the idea.
Abdelatty's comments in a news conference in Cairo came as mediators from Egypt and Qatar were working on a new framework that would include the release of all hostages — dead and alive — in one go, in return for an end of the war in Gaza and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the strip, according to two Arab officials who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the issue.
U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff met with the Qatari prime minister in Spain on Saturday to discuss new efforts.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Mainichi
5 hours ago
- The Mainichi
Officials are investigating the cause of a Pennsylvania steel plant explosion that killed 2
CLAIRTON, Pa. (AP) -- Investigators are working to determine the cause of an explosion rocked a steel plant outside Pittsburgh, leaving two dead and more than 10 others injured, including a person who was rescued from the smoldering rubble after hours of being trapped. The explosion sent black smoke spiraling into the midday Monday sky in the Mon Valley, a region of the state synonymous with steel for more than a century. Allegheny County Emergency Services said a fire at the plant in Clairton started late Monday morning. Officials said they had not isolated the cause of the blast. The rumbling from the explosion, and several smaller blasts that followed, jolted the community about 15 miles (24 kilometers) southeast of Pittsburgh. Amy Sowers, who was sitting on her porch less than a mile from the plant, felt her house shake. "I could see smoke from my driveway," she said. "We heard ambulances and fire trucks from every direction." Sowers, 45, grew up in Clairton and has seen several incidents at the plant over the years. "Lives were lost again," Sowers said. "How many more lives are going to have to be lost until something happens?" Investigating the blast's cause At a news conference, Scott Buckiso, U.S. Steel's chief manufacturing officer, did not give details about the damage or casualties, and said they were still trying to determine what happened. He said the company, now a subsidiary of Japan-based Nippon Steel Corp., is working with authorities. The county medical examiner's office identified one of the victims as Timothy Quinn, 39. The Allegheny County Police Department said five people were hospitalized in critical but stable condition Monday night, and five others had been treated and released. Multiple individuals also were treated for injuries at the scene, but the department said it did not have an exact number. According to the company, the plant has approximately 1,400 workers. In a statement, the United Steelworkers, which represents many of the Clairton plant's workers, said it had representatives on the ground at the plant and would work to ensure there is a thorough investigation. David Masur, executive director of PennEnvironment, an environmental group that has sued U.S. Steel over pollution, said there needed to be "a full, independent investigation into the causes of this latest catastrophe and a re-evaluation as to whether the Clairton plant is fit to keep operating." U.S. Steel CEO David B. Burritt said the company would investigate. It's not the first explosion at the plant. A maintenance worker was killed in a blast in September 2009. In July 2010, another explosion injured 14 employees and six contractors. According to online OSHA records of workplace fatalities, the last death at the plant was in 2014, when a worker was burned and died after falling into a trench. After the 2010 explosion, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration fined U.S. Steel and a subcontractor $175,000 for safety violations. U.S. Steel appealed its citations and fines, which were later reduced under a settlement agreement. In February, a problem with a battery at the plant led to a "buildup of combustible material" that ignited, causing an audible "boom," officials said. Two workers received first aid treatment but were not seriously injured. Air quality concerns The plant, a massive industrial facility along the Monongahela River, is considered the largest coking operation in North America and is one of four major U.S. Steel plants in Pennsylvania. The plant converts coal to coke, a key component in the steelmaking process. To make coke, coal is baked in special ovens for hours at high temperatures to remove impurities that could otherwise weaken steel. The process creates what's known as coke gas -- made up of a lethal mix of methane, carbon dioxide and carbon monoxide. The county health department initially told residents within 1 mile (1.6 kilometers) of the plant to remain indoors and close all windows and doors, but lifted the advisory later Monday. It said its monitors didn't detect levels of soot or sulfur dioxide above federal standards. The US Steel buyout U.S. Steel has been a symbol of industrialization since it was founded in 1901 by J.P. Morgan, Andrew Carnegie and others. It's been the icon of the American steel industry that once dominated the world market until Japan, then China, became preeminent steelmakers over the past 40 years. In June, U.S. Steel and Nippon Steel announced they had finalized a "historic partnership," a deal that gives the U.S. government a say in some matters and comes a year and a half after the Japanese company first proposed its nearly $15 billion buyout of the iconic American steelmaker. The pursuit by Nippon Steel for the Pittsburgh-based company was buffeted by national security concerns and presidential politics in a premier battleground state, dragging out the transaction for more than a year after U.S. Steel shareholders approved it.
The Diplomat
5 hours ago
- The Diplomat
ASEAN and Trump's Tariffs: Regional Calamity, Rent Seeking, or Return to the Status Quo?
On April 2, President Donald Trump threw financial markets into turmoil when he announced his 'liberation day' tariffs, which looked set to upend world trade and reverse decades of globalization. He quickly backpedaled, pausing the tariffs for 90 days in order to allow trade negotiations with the affected nations. Among the most heavily tariffed nations were many members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), including Cambodia, which was hit with a tariff of 49 percent, Laos (48 percent), Vietnam (46 percent), Myanmar (44 percent), and Thailand (36 percent). On July 8, with negotiations stalling, Trump sent out 14 tariff letters to many leaders informing them of 'new tariff lines' if they did not hurry up and settle trade deals by August 1. This quickly focused the minds and attention of the region's leaders, who rushed to negotiate with Washington in the hope of avoiding economy-crippling tariffs. After Trump's initial tariff announcement in April, ASEAN leaders were understandably concerned about the unilateral American tariffs and the possible wide-ranging negative impacts they would have on their export-based economies. On July 3, Vietnam became the first ASEAN country to secure a deal with the U.S., gaining a reduction in its tariff to 20 percent. Indonesia and the Philippines secured their deals in late July, each getting tariffed at 'only' 19 percent. This left Thailand and others in the region understandably angry at their own governments for not yet finalizing deals. When the August 1 deadline arrived, news of 'final' tariff lines was quick to calm the fears of governments and publics across the region. Laos, Myanmar, and Brunei were the only ASEAN countries that did not see threatened tariffs reduced significantly, receiving tariffs of 40 percent in the case of Laos and Myanmar, and 25 percent in the case of Brunei. Nor have there been any expressions of concern from these countries, for whom the U.S. is a relatively minor export market. Brunei's top 3 export partners are Australia, which accounts for 22 percent of its total exports, Singapore (17 percent), and China (17 percent), with the U.S. taking less than 1 percent. Likewise, Laos's top 3 export partners are China (42 percent), Vietnam (22 percent), and Thailand (14 percent), with the U.S. making up just 1.8 percent. Myanmar's top 3 export partners are China (23 percent), Thailand (20 percent), and India (8.6 percent), with the U.S. taking just 3.2 percent. Simply put, Trump and America do not matter much in economic terms to these three ASEAN countries. The final tariffs, as posted on August 1, essentially return most ASEAN member states back to the status quo ante of April 1. Aside from the above states and Singapore, which has been hit with just the 10 percent 'baseline' tariff, all other members are within percentage margins of one another. From a macro view, this will have a very limited impact on the relative competitiveness of these nations' export industries. This is not to say there will not be supply chain disruption and possible rises in prices for goods going both ways, as some products are re-exported to Southeast Asia from the U.S. via corporate supply chains. However, this should be the exception rather than the rule. When one digs further into Trump's tariff exemptions, a richer picture emerges. Annex II of his executive order includes a massive list of product exemptions. Those goods exempted include electronics, pharmaceuticals, smartphones, lumber, computers, integrated circuitry (including semiconductors, mineral and derivative refined ores (including copper and nickel), rubber, chemicals, including aromatics, fuel oils, various forms of oil derivatives and byproducts including fatty vegetable oils. Many of these are among ASEAN nations' top five exports to the United States. A straightforward way to understand these exemptions is that these are products America cannot produce or cannot be sourced elsewhere. This, of course, is to keep the American market and consumer from feeling the pinch of aggravated inflation, noticeable shortages of goods, or shortages needed for American industry. For the time being, Southeast Asian nations have been spared their worst fears. This does not mean that ASEAN economies are safe or that the region's biggest economies with significant export exposure to the American market will not be affected. Machine tools, automobiles, steel, aluminum, processed foods, and other important exports are all subject to the tariff rise. Additionally, Japan and South Korea, which can and do produce similar products, are now subject to substantially lower tariffs of 15 percent, and their industries can rapidly retool for production shifts away from Southeast Asia. The degree of impact is not yet known as the tariffs have only just gone into effect. A major point of contention and focus for the Trump administration was, and is, trade diversion: namely, goods exported from China to Southeast Asia, which are relabeled, rebranded, have slight value added, or are simply provided with fraudulent paperwork to deceive U.S. customs agents as to their origins. It is known that part of the tariff deals with Southeast Asian governments has been an insistence on cracking down on the transshipment of goods to the American market, i.e., goods from China. It is rumored that the U.S. could set regional or content origin requirements as high as 50 percent, meaning that half of the final product's value must be added in the country subject to import tariffs. This is designed to disrupt Chinese industrial and corporate supply chains and deal with product transshipment. The Trump administration's method for dealing with transshipment is to impose a 40% import tariff if customs officials deem a product to be transshipped or not in compliance with content origin rules. This is forcing some ASEAN states to reorganize their regulatory methods, with Malaysia no longer allowing chambers of commerce to issue certificates of origin. Similar moves and restructuring will be seen across ASEAN in the very near future. The problem with current content origin rules is that there is a lack of certainty as to the exact formulation and percentage or local content required. There is no defined and published formula for how much content from China or how much value-added processing will be allowed before transshipment tariffs apply. This, of course, creates massive uncertainty for business and points to a lack of clear and uniform strategy from the Trump administration. However, with transshipment, one can assume that there will be a single unified formula applied globally. If not, businesses will simply reorient to the lowest-cost and most feasible jurisdiction, as they did after the first Trump administration's imposition of tariffs on China in 2018. The Trump administration can go broad and try to punish China-based businesses, which will lead to significant supply chain disruption, reorganization, and the likely movement of some production out of China. The second option is a narrow application designed to do away with small value add, relabeling, and the like, which will lead to minor disruptions to the status quo. Which way the administration breaks depends on its intent to harm Chinese business while mitigating noticeable effects to American consumers. In addition to the uncertainty surrounding transshipment rules is Trump's continuously shifting policy. On August 7, the day before the tariffs were set to come into force, the U.S. president announced that he would now levy a 100 percent tariff on semiconductor imports. Major producers such as South Korea had already secured exemption of semiconductors as part of their 'deal.' It can be assumed that Southeast Asian governments secured product line-specific carve-outs similar to South Korea rather than depending on the vagaries of Trump's executive order, which subjected exemptions in accordance with Section 232 national security investigations. Trump managed to leverage American economic and trade power against ASEAN states by setting sky-high initial tariff threats, engaging in bilateral negotiations, and using compressed time frame tactics to gain beneficial outcomes. Nearly all ASEAN countries that cut deals within the August 1 deadline, including Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam, agreed to large purchases of U.S. goods, including Boeing planes and liquefied natural gas (LNG), designed to reduce the size of their trade surpluses with the U.S. On the surface, this appears to be a major win for certain American industries. However, Boeing currently has an order backlog of over a decade, while its 737 Max, which Cambodia, Malaysia and Indonesia have promised to purchase, is still grounded by the FAA due to its deadly flight safety record. LNG was also a major sell for ASEAN states in the trade negotiations. However, LNG production is nearing maximum capacity in the U.S., with new export production of 11 billion cubic meters coming online in 2028. Given that the European Union is reportedly going to buy €750 billion in LNG over the coming decade, a big question is whether these LNG deals are real or a form of performative statecraft designed to placate Trump. The laws of physics and markets at present and in the near future simply do not equate to America being able to increase LNG production to meet all these trade deals. Put simply, on paper, Trump's transactionalism sounds great, but the delivery timelines of the promised Boeing planes and LNG will stretch far beyond Trump's presidency, by which point they might well be canceled or renegotiated. Initial economic analysis predicts that the current tariff regime could reduce Thailand's GDP by 0.44 percent, Vietnam's by 0.33 percent, and Indonesia's by 0.11 percent, reflecting their different industry-specific tariff lines and exemptions. However, preliminary economic forecasts can only be speculative, given the lack of certainty around rules and enforcement. These forecasts also do not take into account Southeast Asian government measures aimed at stabilizing industries, such as export subsidies, and other policy responses that are certain to materialize. Thailand has already set aside 20 billion baht ($618 million) for the support of affected industries, and other governments are likely to follow suit in order to secure their economic interests. President Trump has managed to rearrange relations with ASEAN states and has successfully made most Southeast Asian leaders 'kiss my ass.' However, his heavy-handed tactics have touched raw nerves with leaders and publics in the region. Singaporean Defense Minister Ng Eng Hen articulated the regional sentiment when he stated during this year's Munich Security Conference that the U.S. was now behaving like a 'landlord seeking rent,' bringing into question American steadfastness and Washington's commitment to the region. That remark was made prior to Trump's initial tariff announcement; the past few months have likely only reinforced these views. The president has also delinked trade from security partnerships, altering a hallmark of previous foreign policy. It appears that only Singapore received significant benefits from being a close U.S. security partner, although this was possibly the result of its trade deficit with Washington. As existing relationships have been brought into question and economic pressure builds, Southeast Asian leaders need to grasp the opportunity to deepen trade ties through the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement, unlock the ASEAN Trade in Services Agreement, and provide industry support for supply chain ownership in ASEAN states.
The Mainichi
10 hours ago
- The Mainichi
Dodgers star Shohei Ohtani and agent accused of sabotaging $240M Hawaii real estate project
(AP) -- A Hawaii real estate investor and broker are suing Shohei Ohtani, claiming the Los Angeles Dodgers star and his agent got them fired from a $240 million luxury housing development on the Big Island's coveted Hapuna Coast that they brought him in to endorse. According to the lawsuit filed in Hawaii Circuit Court on Friday, Ohtani's agent, Nez Balelo, increasingly demanded concessions from developer Kevin J. Hayes Sr. and real estate broker Tomoko Matsumoto before demanding that their business partner, Kingsbarn Realty Capital, drop them from the deal. "Balelo and Otani, who were brought into the venture solely for Otani's promotional and branding value, exploited their celebrity leverage to destabilize and ultimately dismantle Plaintiffs' role in the project -- for no reason other than their own financial self-interest," the lawsuit claims. The suit accuses Ohtani and Balelo of tortious interference and unjust enrichment. Hayes, a developer with 40 years of experience, and Matsumoto, who was to be the listing agent for the houses averaging $17.3 million each, say that Ohtani and Balelo also tried to undermine their interests in a second, neighboring venture. A spokesman for Balelo's agency, CAA Baseball, declined comment. Attempts to reach Kingsbarn officials for comment were not immediately successful. "This case is about abuse of power," the lawsuit says. "Defendants used threats and baseless legal claims to force a business partner to betray its contractual obligations and strip Plaintiffs of the very project they conceived and built. "Defendants must be held accountable for their actions, not shielded by fame or behind-the-scenes agents acting with impunity. Plaintiffs bring this suit to expose Defendants' misconduct and to ensure that the rules of contract, fair dealing, and accountability apply equally to all -- celebrity or not." Ohtani, 31, arrived from Japan in 2018 as perhaps the most heralded international star in baseball history, with an ability to both pitch and hit that made him doubly valuable to his team. A five-time All-Star and three-time Most Valuable Player, he signed a record 10-year, $700-million contract with the Dodgers before last season and helped the team win the 2024 World Series. Investment materials for The Vista at Mauna Kea Resort, which remained online on Monday night, listed Hayes and Matsumoto as part of the management team, along with Kingsbarn. It called Ohtani "Japan's Babe Ruth" and the "1st Resident," giving him top billing ahead of the iconic Mauna Kea Resort, "one of the most celebrated hotels in Hawaii," Hapuna Beach, "rated the #1 beach in America by Conde Nast Traveler" and two golf courses - one designed by Arnold Palmer, the other by Robert Trent Jones Sr. "Ohtani will act as the celebrity spokesperson for the project and has committed to purchasing one of the 14 residences within the project," the brochure says. "He also intends to spend significant time at The Vista in the off-season and will construct a small hitting and pitching facility for preseason training." The suit says the developers spent 11 years working on the deal and "as part of a bold marketing strategy" signed an endorsement deal in 2023 with Ohtani, "one of the most high-profile endorsements imaginable." "This partnership with Ohtani will elevate the demand and create buzz within the Japanese luxury vacation home market, which is a primary target audience for the project," the investment brochure said. "We see Shohei Ohtani's homeownership as having a significant impact on the global exposure of the project and expect to accelerate the pace of sales, thereby helping us achieve our pricing objectives." The suit said Balelo "quickly became a disruptive force," threatening to pull Ohtani from the deal if concessions weren't made. "Kingsbarn began capitulating to Balelo's every whim," the suit said. "Over time, it became increasingly obvious that Kingsbarn was more concerned about preserving its relationship with Otani than honoring its obligations to its business partners." Last month, in what the suit called "a coordinated ambush," Kingsbarn fired Hayes and Matsumoto. "Kingsbarn openly admitted during the call that Balelo had demanded the terminations and that they were being done solely to placate him," the suit said. "Plaintiffs stand to lose millions of dollars in compensation tied to projected homebuilding profit, construction management fees, and broker commissions."
