
EgyptAir suspends flights to Gulf region
The Chairman of the EgyptAir Holding Company, Ahmed Adel, stated the company has opened an emergency room in its operations center and is monitoring the situation on a moment-to-moment basis, given the rapidly changing situation.
Adel emphasized that the suspension is, 'Temporary pending a comprehensive reassessment of the situation, which will take place hourly until the situation stabilizes, after which flights will resume.'
During a Monday telephone interview with TV host Lamis al-Hadidi on the'Last Word' (Kalema Akhera), Adel said: 'We have raised the state of readiness within the company and even at our international stations to the highest level.'
Regarding the number of canceled flights, he said, 'Flights to Sharjah, Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Doha, Bahrain, Dammam, and Riyadh have been canceled, in addition to flights already in the air that were returned to Cairo Airport, such as flights to Dammam, Riyadh, and Mumbai, because they fly over Gulf airspace.'
The American website Axios reported, citing a senior White House official, that US President Donald Trump's current goal is to end the war, and he intends to say so to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
The White House official explained, 'We want a deal, we don't want more war.'
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Daily News Egypt
26 minutes ago
- Daily News Egypt
The Reoccupation of Gaza
When former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon executed his unilateral withdrawal plan from the Gaza Strip on September 11, 2005, the main selling point was clear: 'Protecting the settlers in the Strip is too costly.' Under this plan, Israel dismantled its military bases in Gaza, withdrew all soldiers, and evacuated over 9,000 Israeli settlers from 25 settlements. In reality, the unilateral pullout served as a calculated strategy to relocate several thousand illegal settlers from Gaza to other equally illegal settlements in the West Bank, while effectively sealing off the entire Strip from the outside world—a blockade that endures to this day. Now, nearly two decades later, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appears to be turning back the clock, following the Israeli Security Cabinet's decision to reoccupy Gaza. In truth, however, this move is a leap into the unknown—an unpredictable gamble at a time when the humanitarian crisis within the enclave has reached catastrophic levels, with consequences that may spiral out of control. From a military standpoint, senior Israeli commanders have openly rejected the plan, deeming it both operationally exhausting and perilous—not only for soldiers but also for the remaining hostages still held by Hamas. Of the 251 people abducted on October 7, 2023, 50 remain in captivity. Given that 75% of Gaza is already under Israeli control, and to avoid further political-military fractures, the likely outcome is a hybrid strategy: neither a full siege nor a complete reoccupation. Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, who voiced strong reservations about the plan, has instead advocated for fortifying the areas already under IDF control and launching targeted strikes from those positions to wear down and exhaust Hamas. These attack lines would lie west of the buffer zone, which is currently being cleared of tunnels and Hamas infrastructure. Zamir warned that reoccupation would erode both regular and reserve forces, drain resources, and overextend armored units, whose maintenance is already costly and logistically demanding. Military assessments suggest that fully occupying Gaza City and the central refugee camps could take years, not months, as some political leaders assume—with the longer timeline inevitably translating into higher casualties, deeper financial strain, and further deterioration of Israel's already tarnished global image, as accusations of genocide mount. Moreover, any attempt to seize the remainder of Gaza could result in the execution of all remaining hostages, making Netanyahu liable for an inevitable political showdown with their families. In fact, during the Cabinet meeting that approved reoccupation, Zamir urged the removal of 'hostage recovery' from the official objectives, warning that Hamas would kill them the moment Israeli troops re-enter the Strip. Reoccupation would also require calling up 250,000 reservists—a massive economic and social burden—and would drag Israel deeper into the Gaza quagmire, with the likelihood of more casualties among an already war-weary military entering its third year of sustained engagement on at least three fronts. According to Maariv, the psychological toll is intensifying, with suicide rates rising among soldiers who see no end in sight to a war that has failed to achieve any of its stated goals—neither freeing the hostages nor dismantling Hamas's military capacity. Another looming challenge is the question of supplying and feeding over two million displaced and unemployed Gazans—a responsibility the IDF is ill-equipped to bear. Zamir has categorically opposed assigning this burden to the military. Domestically, the relationship between political decision-makers and the military leadership has broken down, with each side blaming the other for the hostage crisis. The generals accuse Netanyahu of assuming a prisoner exchange was imminent, thereby holding back the military from delivering a decisive blow to Hamas. Netanyahu, in turn, claims the army failed both to prevent the October 7 attack and to defeat Hamas afterward. Adding to this internal friction is the opposition's exploitation of Netanyahu's crisis in a bid to collapse his coalition government—an outcome that could trigger early elections, a scenario that Israel can ill afford in its current predicament, as the political and diplomatic fallout could prove disastrous, resetting the conflict to square one. Regionally, Egypt has categorically rejected any large-scale ground invasion of Gaza, warning that such a move would threaten Egyptian national security and could jeopardize the 1979 Camp David peace treaty. Cairo is likely to view reoccupation as an attempt to impose a new status quo in Gaza—one that 'will not go unanswered' diplomatically and could prompt a reassessment of bilateral agreements with Tel Aviv. Meanwhile, another front is simmering: Lebanon—specifically Hezbollah—which has been trying to regroup after sustaining heavy losses since October 8, 2023. The Lebanese government has recently endorsed a policy to disarm the group and place all weapons under state control. Hezbollah's Deputy Secretary-General, Naim Qassem, has warned that if Israel intensifies operations against the movement, it will resume rocket fire into Israeli territory. For Hezbollah, the reoccupation of Gaza could provide a powerful pretext to re-enter the conflict, reshuffle the strategic deck, and improve its negotiating position—particularly now that it has little left to lose. The American role in this equation remains opaque. President Biden has publicly opposed the reoccupation plan, yet continues to grant Israel the necessary assurances—both in arms supplies and in ready-to-use UN Security Council vetoes. Some policy circles in Washington are increasingly embracing the view that Gaza's 'next phase' begins with force, not diplomacy—treating the Strip as rebellious territory that must first be subdued militarily before being rebuilt politically and securely. Global opposition to the plan, coupled with eroding domestic support, may ultimately force Netanyahu to abandon the illusion of reoccupation in favor of a single comprehensive deal—ending the war outright and withdrawing from most of Gaza in one stroke. This would require Hamas to be ready for such an agreement. The lingering question is: Does Netanyahu have an exit strategy? History suggests he usually finds one—but only for himself. The deeper problem is that no one in Israel's political or military leadership seems to have a viable plan for navigating the political, military, and humanitarian impasse. For now, everyone is simply waiting. Dr. Hatem Sadek – Professor at Helwan University


Middle East
43 minutes ago
- Middle East
OPEN// FM to MENA: Egypt continues efforts for immediate ceasefire, aid delivery in Gaza
CAIRO, Aug 11 (MENA) - Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emigration and Egyptian Expatriates Badr Abdelatty said current efforts are focused on achieving an immediate ceasefire and the delivery of aid, and naturally, on preventing the Israeli government from carrying out any irresponsible decisions to expand military operations and take control of the Gaza Strip. This came in response to a question by Middle East News Agency (MENA) regarding Egypt's efforts and reports about a new Egyptian-Qatari proposal for a truce and ceasefire and the latest developments in mediation efforts, especially in light of Israel's continued aggression and targeting of civilians. The remarks were made during a joint press conference held on Monday with Minister of Foreign Affairs of Côte d'Ivoire Leon Kacou Adom on Monday. The foreign minister added, "Egypt's efforts are ongoing. The starting point is the rejection of Israeli aggression, military operations, and threats of expansion—these are completely unacceptable, and the international community stands firmly against them." He noted that intensive communications are being conducted under the directives of President Abdel Fattah El Sisi with all key regional and international partners—most notably the United States and the European Union. He continued, "We are pushing for the resumption of negotiations, and there is still a possibility—if intentions are sincere and political will exists—to reach a comprehensive agreement that ends this war. Of course, such an agreement must ensure the release of all hostages, allow full access for humanitarian aid, and pave the way for a genuine political process. Without a political horizon or a roadmap leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state, there is no guarantee that violence and repeated Israeli aggression won't recur.' He went on to say this is the fifth round of killing and destruction. That's why all our efforts are now concentrated on securing an immediate ceasefire, ensuring aid delivery, and preventing any further reckless Israeli decisions to expand the war or occupy Gaza. Once that is achieved, we will convene the Cairo International Conference for Early Recovery and Reconstruction of Gaza, which will also aim to launch a political process and define a clear timeline to realize the Palestinian state. The foreign minister emphasized that Egypt has repeatedly stated that if there is a clear political horizon and roadmap toward a Palestinian state, it has no objection to the deployment of international forces to enable the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian people to realize their state, build its institutions, and ensure security for all parties—including Israel. He stressed that this is the core focus of Egypt's efforts and communications with all regional and international stakeholders, including recent talks with the foreign ministers of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United States, and others—all aimed at reaching an immediate ceasefire. (MENA) Y R E/R G E


See - Sada Elbalad
44 minutes ago
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