EU, Morocco Bolster Migration and Border Cooperation
The European Commission said it is working with Rabat to 'deepen' their bilateral relationship through an agreement modeled on existing deals with Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan. These agreements set out commitments on both sides, providing financial and technical support in exchange for stronger border management and cooperation on curbing irregular migration.
At a press conference unveiling the EU 's Global Europe instrument, which seeks to double aid to North African countries in the next budget, Dubravka Suica, the EU Commissioner for Democracy and Demography, highlighted Morocco as a priority partner.
'We already have partnerships with many of them and are trying to strengthen them all. Currently, we are collaborating with Egypt, Tunisia, and Jordan. We are working on deepening our partnership with Morocco and will also begin working with Lebanon,' Suica said.
In recent years, the EU signed memoranda of understanding with Tunisia and Egypt during a surge of migrant arrivals in the Central Mediterranean. These agreements form part of the EU's broader strategy to enhance regional stability while managing migration more effectively.
According to EU sources cited by Europa Press, Brussels aims to reach a similar agreement with Morocco. However, they noted that talks are still at an early stage, and no specific timeline has been set for finalizing the deal.
Against this backdrop, Morocco's Minister of Foreign Affairs Nasser Bourita met in Brussels on Wednesday with Kaja Kallas, the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Vice-President of the European Commission.
During their high-level meeting, both sides reaffirmed the depth of the Morocco–EU strategic partnership, describing it as grounded in a shared vision of stability, prosperity, and co-development. They recalled progress in various areas of cooperation, including security, trade, energy transition, and addressing shared challenges such as terrorism, irregular migration, and climate change.
Bourita and Kallas exchanged views on regional and international issues, particularly the situations in the Sahel, the Mediterranean, and the Middle East. They also shared their views on the importance of close coordination to confront current geopolitical challenges in a spirit of shared responsibility and open dialogue. Tags: BouritaBrusselsEuropean Union and MoroccoMorocco EU cooperation
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The departure abroad: the celebration of old times and nowadays realities There was a time when obtaining a passport and securing a study or work visa abroad was a happy event anticipated for individual advancement and a change in their social status. Long before that, the pilgrimage to Mecca had a similar value by adding deep psychological satisfaction to the signs of piety. Moreover, for the past few years, taking vacations abroad has expressed a tendency to demonstrate proven well-being. Although the countries visited do not necessarily have anything special in terms of intellectual and cultural fulfilment, they have the aura that people deem worth experiencing. In none of the aforementioned cases is the topic of migration mentioned or discussed in fine detail. It doesn't matter whether the migration is perceived as a short or long-term journey or as a well-thought-out plan for permanent settlement. This reminds me of the reaction of a renowned Maghrebi writer on a French channel toward the end of the 1980s. He was asked what he thought of immigration in his capacity as a former immigrant. The writer's response expressed massive outrage. He shouted, 'I am not an immigrant. I chose to live in France of my own free will, and I am happy to enjoy a privileged status. It is true that at the time the distinction between migration and immigration was not as clear-cut, although studies on the presence of Maghreb communities in many countries were carried out. These studies addressed with varying degrees of success the economic, social, political, and above all, psychological dimensions. At least a decade ago, an adjective became more frequent: 'saved'. It happened that someone was asked about their son or daughter. They responded, 'He did it.' What would he have done? No comment. But people understood that the child had gone abroad. He did it by leaving the country for good. 'The use of the word 'saved'' may have another meaning and be associated with the issue of human rights. This can be a pretext for leaving the country, as was the case six decades ago. The confusion between the status of a migrant and the status of a political refugee has long dominated the debate on political reforms (or even regime change) and the tug-of-war between host countries and countries of origin. More recently, a phenomenon has become increasingly frequent. Some former high-ranking officials or executives of large companies prefer to settle abroad by leveraging their time in certain countries as part of their professional obligations. Others seize the opportunity that their children have obtained the nationality of these countries to take up residence there. These people become refugees of a different kind. They cannot even be included in the category of voluntary exiles or asylum seekers. The phenomenon has come back into the spotlight following the tug-of-war between France and Algeria over the issue of visas and the privileged status granted to Algerians under the 1968 agreement. The reduction in the number of visas, even for medical emergencies, and the threat to confiscate assets acquired in violation of transparent banking transfer rules have been perceived as a setback to the perception of tranquility that Algerian decision-makers have enjoyed for five decades. Similarly, the repatriation of individuals in irregular situations or those who have served common law prison sentences and are prohibited from residing on French territory has been a clear message that the privileges the Algerians enjoy under the 1968 and 1994 agreements will be drastically reduced. France had waved the same threat against Morocco three years earlier, at a time when the latter was waiting for Paris to make a clear and unambiguous decision on the Moroccan Sahara issue. It goes without saying that the status of a privileged resident in a foreign state, particularly in Europe and the United States, becomes a double-edged sword. The amendment of laws on the stay and permanent establishment of foreigners is perceived as a kind of bargaining in both directions. In 2014, Morocco launched a campaign to regularize sub-Saharan Africans. By the end of 2023, approximately 50,000 people had been regularized. In the process a dramatic twist happened: officials in charge discovered that dozens of foreign nationals, including Europeans and Americans, had been in an irregular situation. Naturally, the regularization was part of a unifying royal vision, of which migration policy was one of the most important vectors. This migratory policy was also part of a renewed and more audacious African policy Morocco was implementing toward Africa in terms of co-development, step-by-step integration, and constructive dialogue. Already, the Spanish Institute of Statistics revealed in 2016 that between 2001 and 2011, thousands of Spaniards came to Morocco to look for work as laborers, carpenters, mechanics, waiters, and other jobs they could no longer find in Spain. A television programme on France 2 broadcast in December 2013 had also revealed that there would be approximately 5,000 Spaniards working illegally in Morocco. According to an article by Le 360 published in April 2023, the number of Spaniards residing in Morocco is estimated to be between 10,000 and 15,000, with just over 3,000 of them registered with the National Social Security Fund (NSSF). Morocco then becomes a refuge, a safe haven of a new kind. At a time when the West is closing in on itself, when the search for scapegoats becomes a hallmark of individuals and groups sinking into chauvinism, xenophobia, Islamophobia and obscurantism of all kinds, questions arise. They concern Moroccans who choose to settle abroad, even those who claim to have a comfortable social situation in Morocco. These questions also address the case of foreigners who come to settle in Morocco for the same reasons on one hand, and on the other hand, the case of those who are forced to do so for economic reasons. I will attempt to address this issue without falling into dogmatism or bias. People chose Europe and the United States to seek, as they assume, 'a quality life'. However, if they are asked to be more specific, they are unable to provide a precise and convincing definition of what they call 'a quality life'. We assume that 'a quality life' is linked to appearances: a luxury flaunted to the point of bordering on the absurd, not to say the ridiculous. Be that as it may, the main thing is to make sure that the bluff appears tangible and that the charade transforms into an acquired right to bluff people. The quest to live better in a realm of uncertainties To the presumed 'a quality life' is associated another statement, 'poor living'. The candidates complain about everything. They belong to that category of people who see everything in black. This reminds me of the refrain of Claude Nougaro's 1975 song: « Sur l'écran de mes nuits blanches/Moi, je me fais du cinéma. » If insomnia is the main theme in Nougaro's song, the suffering of the unbearable daily routine is that of those people who lament over nothing in search of absolution for an ambition that has not reached its apotheosis. Suffering is associated with the propensity for denial and the refusal to try everything possible to revamp and start anew. Nothing satisfies this category of denialists, even when they succeed in their professional and family life, for example. More than the ambition to do better, they seek to surpass themselves in other ways. Some end up failing at everything. They then swell the ranks of the 'Never Satisfied', that breed of individuals who complain about everything, with or without reason. The brain drain that had been the common lot of many executives and senior officials is not solely explained by the lack of opportunities for advancement in their home country. There is certainly a tangible fact that can be brought forward to get a heated debate on the issue: the existence of obstacles, the generation conflict in the workplace, the gender dilemma, etc. However, put that way, the dilemma cannot summarize the whole issue. Because only a handful of people manage to obtain the same working conditions and pay compared to what they had or could have had in their homeland. The requirements for upgrading, or even resuming training, ring false in the minds of many of those people, who eventually become disillusioned. The temptation to return to their homeland is strong, but they don't have the guts to go that far, for fear that their relatives and friends would make fun of – if not despise – them. The COVID pandemic of 2020-2021 revealed a previously concealed fracture in a West grappling with its own contradictions. It gives nightmares to foreign populations in many Western countries, particularly in Europe and the United States and Canada. Vulnerability takes over from the assurances of appearances. The search for jobs becomes problematic. The much-desired integration becomes wishful thinking. Assimilation resembles some sort of inquisition. Fortress Europe – and soon Fortress America – is no longer a preferred safe haven for many foreigners. Then a reverse migration begins to timidly emerge. It is visible through two processes. The first process involves some European nationals choosing to settle in a country like Morocco, where job opportunities are abundant depending on job description and sector. The second process involves the return of several dozen Moroccan nationals to Morocco to settle there permanently. I do not have precise statistics on the two phenomena, but the trend has been accelerating for at least two years. Despite some resistance related to a rigid mindset, there is a renewed confidence in Morocco's potential, in the existence of opportunities, and in the political will at the highest level of the state to implement thoughtful and realistic development plans. We are therefore witnessing a kind of reverse migration that will undoubtedly gain momentum, now that Morocco is on a positive trajectory in terms of attracting foreign investments. Morocco is believed to be a must-pass for all those aiming at a multidimensional African policy based on community of interest and destiny. Similarly, another factor now seems to play a decisive role, particularly in Europe, the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia, to name just these areas: the influence of wokism trends that frighten North African and sub-Saharan foreign communities. The wokism they deem to be diverted from its initial mission of denouncing all forms of discrimination to include, with great fanfare, the issue of sexual preferences or gender in general, targeting children under the pretext of the right to a sound and equal opportunity to education. From temptation to the dilemma of identity clash If we take a look at the narrative pertaining to anti-Semitism, mandatory integration, and automatic assimilation, the picture describes the feelings of insecurity that now take on the aspect of an existential struggle. Even alienation is experienced by some communities as a form of schizophrenia that they cannot soundly assess. Hence, they deny it. Although it may be seen as a cliché, the issue of mixed marriages between Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, Hindus, or agnostics might be included in this debate. However, it includes another element never frankly addressed before. Four or five decades ago, the topic of mixed marriages was addressed in relation to the cultural divide within mixed-faith couples, particularly concerning monotheistic religions. For the past few years, two phenomena have been giving parents a Scottish shower. On one hand, the mixed marriages of children that parents dread, believing that their children should not make the mistakes they feel they have made. On the other hand, there are the religious or agnostic preferences of the children who dismiss with a wave of the hand the narrative that has been conveyed for quite some time by parents belonging to different cultures and religions. I partially addressed this issue in a novel a few years ago (Hami H., Suicide à Distance, 2013). The dilemma of faith and religion emerges as a deep rift exacerbated by the political and religious divide. It is this tear that has been used by certain centers in power in North African and Middle Eastern countries to inject discord into people's minds. The most extreme case was that of religious extremist movements belonging to the three monotheistic religions and their ramifications. They used doctrinal and ideological ambivalence to challenge the political chessboards in the West and the East. Convinced they are right-doing, some decision-making centers, including intelligence services, used their fellow citizens with foreign roots as a means to bargain with the governments of the host countries in Europe and the United States. However, they ended up witnessing that the wheel of exclusion turned wrongly and targeted them in the end. So, mixed marriages that had been a kind of aspiration for emancipation to escape 'poor living' and have 'a quality life' turn into a psychological blockage whose main cause is the children who start challenging the whole arsenal of certainties and first truths. The quest for fast social ascension, despite the lack of means and the reality on the ground that had been legion five decades ago, has become a headache for parents and grandparents and an unbearable 'I don't care' attitude from children and grandchildren. A kind of reverse flight has begun without anyone raising the alarm (Hami H., La Fuite à l'Envers, 2005). The migration of foreigners, particularly Mediterranean Europeans, to Morocco is no longer limited to experts, teachers, and permanent residents, but it extends to categories of 'ordinary people' hit by the crisis in the Old Continent. It is certain that this trend will accelerate ahead of the organization of major cultural and sporting events in Morocco by 2030. Similarly, the rush of certain Moroccan professional categories toward Europe, America, or Australia for a hypothetical 'better quality life' has increased to the point they have become hostages to their children and grandchildren. This is a trend that has no convincing explanation. A truth that some can no longer hide: the children, even adults with a decent professional situation, are hardly offended by summoning their parents to send them money so that they can adapt to the high cost of living in the host countries. This is without ruling out the new forms of mixed marriage that bypass conditions that would never have been accepted three or four decades ago. It is also true that there are many marriage rules even in Morocco that bypass the same requirements. The dilemma of migration-immigration is still debated with the same intensity, but it depends on the evolution of people's mindset and the willingness of those in charge to take the bull by the horns. Hopefully the battle won't end up hurting. It goes without saying that the culture of denial and refusal to adjust to bare truths will be a permanent challenge. Arguments are becoming more frequent between parents about children's higher education, mainly on the best way to secure a high-quality one abroad. Beside the debate on the public and the private schools, parents are concerned and worried about how to make the appropriate choice to live up to their children's expectations. Parents then work hard, and some, even if they don't have the means, don't even hesitate to go into debt to send them abroad. They sell assets and hope that everything will go well. New generations of migrants are taking to the sea; it is not certain that they will be able to return, even if things do not go as planned. They may be tempted to swell the ranks of illegal migrants. And the parents will continue to bend over backwards to get them out of trouble. And if by chance some of them make the decision to return to launch projects or settle in their country, expressions like 'a quality life', 'struggling', 'saved', etc., ring in their ears like a bell of apocalypse. They are then blamed for having taken a dangerous U-turn. Be that as it may, they are holding on even though resettlement might be hard and bureaucracy temporarily hindering their momentum. However, things are improving, and hope remains; otherwise, why would there be more and more foreigners choosing Morocco as a safe haven, an ideal place to build or rebuild their lives? Nonetheless, some might be tempted to argue that I would have forgotten to talk about the new reality on the ground, namely that Morocco is becoming a place of residence for many sub-Saharan, Middle Eastern, and European foreigners. No, not at all; I just didn't want to talk about the same problems already mentioned above. At the forefront of these problems are the consequences of various forms of cultural and psychological clashes caused primarily by mixed marriages and apprehensions about 'quality life', 'poor living', 'being saved', and the impossibility of perceiving political, economic, and social changes without sacrificing to haste and hasty judgements. In any case, I would forbid myself to take that walk… At least, I hope so. Tags: morocan diasporaMoroccan diaspora
