
Minister instructs officials to conduct joint inspection of school buildings in current rainy season
Mr. Rao presided over a review meeting with the officials of Karimnagar, Jagtial, Peddapalli and Rajanna Sircilla districts at the Collectorate in Karimnagar on Sunday.
He reviewed the functioning of School Education, Agriculture and Housing departments.
Minister for IT and Industries D. Sridhar Babu, Minister for Transport and Backward Classes Welfare Ponnam Prabhakar, among others attended the meeting.
Metpally MLA K. Sanjay apprised the district in-charge Minister of the dilapidated condition of the State-run high school building in Metpally and sought speedy completion of the government junior college building on the same premises to shift them into the new building.
The Minister instructed the officials of the School Education, Panchayat Raj and Roads & Buildings departments to jointly inspect the condition of government school buildings to take appropriate steps to ensure the safety of students in the current rainy season.
He asked Collectors to focus on students' enrolment drive in government schools, achieve the stipulated targets of oil palm cultivation and effective implementation of the Indiramma Illu, the flagship housing of the State government, in a transparent manner.
Mr. Sridhar Babu said the State government accorded top priority to education, health and agriculture sectors. He called upon the officials to strive to ensure the benefits of the welfare schemes, including Indiramma housing, reach all the deserving people.
He wanted the officials to encourage farmers to grow suitable alternative crops, including vegetables, so as to double their income. He directed the officials to take stringent action against those selling spurious seed.
Mr. Prabhakar asked the officials to focus on improving students' enrolment and enhancing learning outcomes in government schools.
Highlighting the initiatives of the Congress government such as recruiting teachers and conducting training programmes for teachers of State-run schools, he emphasised the need for increased community engagement in Badi Bata enrolment campaign to make all stakeholders active partners in the endeavour.
He added that the government has started disbursing ₹9,000 crore to farmers under the Rythu Bharosa, the investment support scheme, across the State within nine days in a mission mode.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Signing off on an entrenched symbol of stigma
In rural Tamil Nadu, the word 'colony' has become a symbol of social stigma and of being associated with a 'lower caste neighbourhood'. It has continued to be a social marker of 'untouchability'. Therefore the announcement by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin in the Legislative Assembly, on April 29, 2025, that all the village names ending with 'colony' and others containing denigrating caste references such as 'Pallappatti', 'Paraiyappatti', 'Naavidhan Kulam', 'Paraiyan Kulam', 'Sakkilippatti' would be removed from State records, and that such villages would be renamed is significant. We can reasonably hypothesise that the practice of segregating the toiling masses into isolated settlements away from the quarters of higher castes based on the varnashrama system began sometime around 12th century CE. We began to see literary references supporting this from the 12th century onwards. The impact in rural Tamil Nadu Over the centuries, names have cropped up with the intent of conveying in a derogatory manner the lower caste nature of such localities. Names such as Cheri Street, Paraya Street, Palla Street, Scavenger Street, Harijan Colony, Adi Dravidar Colony, Old Colony, New Colony, and Ambedkar Colony evolved. Some argue that 'colony' is after all an 'innocuous' word, without any 'caste' connotation. Hence, dropping the word 'colony' from the names of localities is pointless. They cite examples from urban areas such as Railway Colony and Jayendrar Colony which are secular sites that are home to people from all castes and creeds. But the reality in rural Tamil is quite different, where the word 'colony' has a totally different import. 'Colony' is exclusively used to refer to areas inhabited by lower castes. Beginning with the Portuguese in the 15th century, followed by the Spanish, the Dutch, the British, the French and the others, all of them set up colonies the world over including the Indian subcontinent. The European colonists also started using the word 'colony' to refer to the 'colonial quarters' where they lived within their 'colonised territories'. Primarily, those were 'European Colonies' or 'White Settlements'. Over the centuries, the usage was extended to refer to residential and housing colonies of all kinds with no connection to the 'colonial' enterprise. In what could be one of the most ironic twists of words acquiring strange meanings, the transformation of the word 'colony', from referring to 'elite colonial spaces' to that of 'localities of ostracised, lower caste Indians', is bizarre and difficult to fathom. The word 'colony' has acquired such social stigma and is a convenient tool to 'dog whistle' in rural India. With a person's residential address being an essential component of all kinds of 'official documents' such as the Aadhaar card, ration card, passport, bank passbook, voter id card, and driving licence to name a few, these caste specific settlement names including the ones ending with 'colony' immediately 'reveals' one's identity, triggering spontaneous prejudiced reactions, condescending attitudes and biased decisions from social peers and those in positions of authority. The realisation that they are being victimised merely because of belonging to a historically marginalised caste group has a devastating psychological impact on those who are subjected to such an ordeal. It might be quite impossible for anyone to relate to unless they have undergone this first hand. The marginalisation and the discrimination are not merely historical, but an ongoing reality for a significant part of Indian society. Usage over the centuries Historically, going back a few centuries, the word 'chery' or 'cherry' has come to be used to denote settlements of lower castes in Tamil Nadu. By the 20th century, 'cherry' and 'colony' became synonyms referring to the localities of untouchable castes. However, in ancient Tamil literature, the word 'chery' was quite a common word, referring to any settlement where the general public reside, and with no negative connotation. Tolkappiyam, one of the oldest Tamil compositions available, generally ascribed to the 7th century BCE, mentions 'chery'. Being a grammar book, it outlines rules for a genre of literature called 'Pulan' which can be roughly identified with 'Pallu' literature of the 16th century. A 'Pulan' literature should be composed of words that are spoken among common people which do not need any 'research' or interpretation. Tolkappiyam uses 'chery mozhi' as the 'language of common people'. The 18 ancient literary treatises called 'Patinnemelkanakku' from the last Tamil academy (roughly belonging to the Fifth century BCE) have copious references to the word 'chery'. 'Kurunthokai', the celebrated 'Akam' poetry collection, has six references. All the references use the word 'chery' with the meaning of a place everyone in a village lives. There is no evidence of 'chery' being used in a demeaning way. The 'Aha-nanooru' collection has 15 references to the word 'Chery'. Silappathikaram, written in the Second century CE, refers to the outskirts of Madurai where Kovalan and Kannaki rested along with the Samana monk, 'Kavunthi Adigal', and has 'puranchery', which literally means 'settlement on the outskirts'. The text also mentions that it is the habitation site of 'Brahmins'. Emerging between the Sixth and Ninth centuries CE, the social and political impact of the Bhakti movement was more sharply felt later by the Cholas. Grand temple building accelerated at break-neck pace with their ascent. Some gods got sanctified as 'mainstream' gods, while others became marginalised. The rise of grand temples brought about a sea change in the way social organisation functioned and how institutions of knowledge production and knowledge dissemination operated. 'Periya Puranam' composed by Sekkizhar during the 12th century CE mentions 'theendachery', literally meaning 'Untouchable chery'. Villages and towns were partitioned to designate certain areas as 'untouchable' quarters. The remnants of these restrictions survive to this day even after the various struggles of the 19th and 20th centuries to abolish them. It was during one of these struggles that 'Thanthai Periyar' courted prison in Vaikkom. Vijayanagar rule followed in the 14th century. Under Madurai, Gingee and Thanjavur Nayakkas, the varnashrama dharma was sought to be implemented with extraordinary brutality during the 14th and 17th centuries, further strengthening the social and physical segregation of communities. Rule by a fragmented polity followed leading to Europeans gaining a firm foothold in Tamil Nadu. On the social front, existing schisms only grew deeper. Mahatma Gandhi coined the word 'Harijan' to refer to untouchable castes. It is ironic that the term coined to symbolically 'elevate' their status joined the already rich repertoire of oppressive instruments of humiliation, stigma, exclusion and prejudice. 'Harijan Colony' became a ghettoised reference for Dalit settlements. Iyothee Thass Pandithar urged the adoption of the term 'Adi-Dravidar'. M.C. Rajah of the Justice Party government in the Madras Presidency, passed a resolution in the Madras Legislative Assembly in 1922 to group all untouchable castes under the category of 'Adi-Dravidar' instead of 'Parayar' and 'Panchamar' communities. However, even the term 'Adi-Dravidar' joined the list of dreaded words. In perspective Under British rule, there was a regimented method of classifying and documenting everything in official records, which included even derogatory names of lower caste habitations. Words such as 'cheri' and 'colony' are being used exclusively used to identify Dalit neighbourhoods. Though restricted to rural Tamil Nadu, the government needs to take its administrative move to spearhead positive social change. Places such as 'Velachery' or 'Pondichery' do not signify any degrading reference and are treated as regular place names meant for everyone. Cities will continue to have area names ending with 'Colony' such as 'Saibaba Colony'. However, references to 'colony' and 'chery' in rural areas will be removed. Instead, they will have the names of popular flowers or poets or scientists. The names of political leaders will be strictly avoided. While this is not a welfare scheme announcement, it is a measure taken with a long-term view to encourage positive social change in the endeavour to achieve greater social integration. Only a socially cohesive society can achieve progress and collective prosperity. To that end it is both a 'symbolic' and 'historic' gesture. Imayam is a Tamil novelist, currently serving as the Vice-Chairperson of the Tamil Nadu State Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes


Indian Express
5 hours ago
- Indian Express
‘Investigation in the train blast case is a sad comment on how little policing has changed since 1872'
There were two recent judgments in terror cases–the 2006 Mumbai train blasts and the 2008 Malegaon blasts judgments. The high court verdict acquitting 12 people for the train blasts (7/11) called the torture meted out to them as 'barbaric' and 'inhuman'–the use of the judgment as a precedent in cases of MCOCA was stayed by the Supreme Court while not interfering with the high court's findings on the men's innocence. The trial court in the Malegaon case said there was a strong suspicion, but no legal proof against the seven accused it acquitted, citing reasons including the lack of procedure followed by the prosecution. Sadaf Modak speaks with advocates Yug Chaudhry and Payoshi Roy, who represented the accused in the train blasts case, about procedures and safeguards in terror probes. While drafting the Indian Evidence Act, James Fitzjames Stephen had decreed confessions to police officers as inadmissible. This holds equally true today and even the new criminal laws bar the use of confessions and witness statements made before police officers. The investigation in the train blast case is a sad comment on how little policing has changed since 1872, despite the upgrade in resources and technique. In this case, torture was the investigative tool of choice whether it be by obtaining false confessions, or coerced signatures on make-believe recovery /seizure panchnamas concocted in the police station. Superior officers endorsed the use of torture, and often threatened the prisoners with it if they did not cooperate or if they complained to the judges. Remand judges and later the trial judge pretended that there were no signs of torture even when it was staring them in the face. It appears that investigating officers resorting to such fabrication are enabled by the judicial latitude they are assured of receiving in terror cases. The failure therefore is not one of technique or manner of probe but a crisis of impunity. The burden lies not only on courts but also on the State to strictly monitor these investigations and pull up erring officers. This is a case where the High Court has found that the police have tortured the accused to procure confessions and destroyed evidence of CDR that would exonerate the accused. Instead of immediately instituting a wide-ranging review of this botched investigation, the state has denied its falsity. This attitude is a disservice to the victims who deserve an honest investigation, like the high court itself observed, that there is no greater betrayal of victims of terror crimes than fabricated investigations. This judgment should serve as a clarion call to the political leadership that short-cuts in terror investigations are unacceptable. At present, sanction and prior approval for MCOCA (Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act) prosecution are given by an officer of the DIG Rank. When a terror offence of this magnitude is committed, officers at the highest level supervise the investigation. Seeking sanction from the DIG or the DGP of the state, who has been actively monitoring the investigation, is like an appeal from Ceaser to Ceaser's wife. In the 7/11 case, the approval for Act was granted without looking at the chargesheets, which allows DCPs to record confessions. One of the reasons the high court rejected the confessions is because prior approval was given without application of mind. Even under UAPA, sanction is sought from an authority appointed by the Central or state government. These safeguards have been reduced to a nullity. The authority granting sanction must be independent and quasi-judicial and must be able to scrutinise the material independently. Section 195 of the Indian Penal Code and now Section 230 of the Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita penalises giving of false evidence and fabricating evidence with the intent to procure a conviction in a capital case. It is punishable with life imprisonment. It is time this law is implemented. Responsible police officers of the highest to the lowest rank must be prosecuted under the law. Police officers cannot be prosecuted for failing to collect sufficient evidence or if a prosecution fails to prove the accused's guilt beyond reasonable doubt. However, in a case such as the 7/11 blasts where officers have lied on oath about recording contemporaneous confessions, where there is stark evidence of brutal torture, where officers have deliberately destroyed the accused's CDR despite repeated applications by the defence for the CDR knowing that would exonerate the accused–such criminal action from the custodians of the law must be prosecuted under the law. If this is not done, there will be no acknowledgement by the State that they have failed the victims, failed society and undermined national security.


Hindustan Times
6 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Netanyahu vows to 'finish the job' against Hamas as Gaza death toll mounts
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday defended plans for a new military push into Gaza, declaring that Israel 'has no choice but to finish the job and complete the defeat of Hamas,' as fresh violence left dozens of Palestinians dead and international criticism of Israel's war strategy deepened. Palestinians walk along a street near war-damaged buildings along the shore in Gaza City.(AFP) Speaking to foreign media in Jerusalem, Netanyahu said his upcoming offensive would target Hamas' last two strongholds in Gaza. 'Our goal is not to occupy Gaza, our goal is to free Gaza,' he said, rejecting accusations that Israel seeks permanent control of the territory. He described the objectives as demilitarizing Gaza, ensuring 'overriding security control' by Israel, and placing governance in the hands of a non-Israeli civilian administration. The prime minister dismissed what he called a 'global campaign of lies' about Israel's conduct and said there was a 'fairly short timetable' for the next steps. He also ordered the military to allow more foreign journalists into Gaza — a notable change from the strict media restrictions that have been in place. Netanyahu again blamed Hamas for Gaza's humanitarian crisis, citing the group's refusal to lay down arms and accusing it of using civilians as shields. Aid-seeking Palestinians killed Even as Netanyahu spoke, hospitals in Gaza reported at least 26 Palestinians killed while trying to obtain food and other aid. Witnesses and medical staff said victims died along aid convoy routes and at privately run distribution sites. Nasser Hospital reported that ten people were killed near the Morag corridor between Rafah and Khan Younis. In northern Gaza, six others died near the Zikim crossing, according to the Gaza Health Ministry and Shifa Hospital. In central Gaza, witnesses said Israeli gunfire hit crowds at a Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) site after warning shots were fired into the air. Four people were killed, according to Awda Hospital. The Israeli military denied any involvement, and GHF said the incidents appeared to stem from looting attempts near aid convoys. Seven more Palestinians were killed in separate airstrikes, including two children, hospitals reported. The Israeli military did not immediately comment. Famine and malnutrition deaths climb Gaza's health officials said two more children died of malnutrition-related causes on Saturday, bringing the war's child hunger death toll to 100. Another 117 adults have died of similar causes since late June. The territory's overall war death toll now stands at 61,400, according to the Hamas-run Health Ministry, which says about half of the victims are women and children. Growing opposition inside Israel Netanyahu's plans to seize Gaza City have fueled protests in Israel, with tens of thousands rallying in Tel Aviv on Saturday night. Families of Israeli hostages held in Gaza urged businesses to join a general strike next week, warning that expanded fighting could endanger their loved ones. Of the 251 people abducted in Hamas' October 7, 2023, attack — which killed around 1,200 in southern Israel — about 50 remain in Gaza, with 20 believed alive. Lishay Miran-Lavi, whose husband Omri is among the captives, appealed to US President Donald Trump and envoy Steve Witkoff to intervene. 'The decision to send the army deeper into Gaza is a danger to my husband. But we can still stop this disaster,' she said.