‘Not for aggression': Shehbaz Sharif denies use of nuclear weapons during India-Pak conflict
Sharif made the comments while addressing a group of Pakistani students in Islamabad.
Recalling the four-day military confrontation, Sharif said 55 Pakistanis were killed during the Indian military strikes. However, he claimed that Pakistan had responded with 'full might' during the escalation.
When asked about the possibility of using nuclear weapons, Sharif said, 'Pakistan's nuclear programme is solely for peaceful purposes and national defence, not for aggression.'
India launched Operation Sindoor, targeting terror infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, in retaliation for the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 civilians.
As part of Operation Sindoor, the Indian armed forces carried out strikes on May 7, targeting nine terror sites in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, including Bahawalpur, a known stronghold of the Jaish-e-Mohammad terror outfit. The strikes were in retaliation for the Pahalgam massacre, in which 26 civilians were killed.
Sharif denies rumours of Zardari stepping down
Sharif also dismissed rumours that Pakistan's President Asif Ali Zardari may be forced to step down and Chief of Army Staff Field Marshal Asim Munir aspired to assume the presidency, Sharif said such claims were 'mere speculations'.
'Field Marshal Asim Munir has never expressed any desire to become the president, nor is there any such plan in the offing,' he told The News on Friday.
Sharif added that he, Zardari and Munir shared a relationship built on mutual respect.
The clarification followed interior minister Mohsin Naqvi's statement on X on Thursday, in which he denounced the 'malicious campaign' targeting Zardari, Sharif, and Munir.
'We are fully aware of who is behind the malicious campaign,' said Naqvi, who is considered close to the top military leadership.
'I have categorically stated there has been no discussion, nor does any such idea exist, about the president being asked to resign or the COAS aspiring to assume the presidency,' he added.
Naqvi also alleged the involvement of hostile foreign elements in fuelling the campaign and said, 'To those involved in this narrative, do whatever you wish in collaboration with hostile foreign agencies. As for us, we will do whatever is necessary to make Pakistan strong again, InshAllah.'
Munir was appointed as army chief in 2022 for a three-year tenure, which was later extended to five years by the government.
With PTI inputs
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Indian Express
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- Indian Express
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Scroll.in
an hour ago
- Scroll.in
How the river flows: There is another way the Indus Water Treaty can help defeat terror
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The regional expert Uttam Sinha likened the Indus Waters Treaty in 2019 to being an 'albatross' around India's neck as it remains unfairly ' tied to … provisions that were laid down in 1950 '. In contrast, the late Ramaswamy Iyer, one time secretary to the Government of India and a leading water expert in his time, stoutly defended the Indus Waters Treaty by terming it a relatively successful legal-technical arrangement which also 'possessed in-built mechanisms' for resolving conflicts. And whatever vulnerabilities did trouble the treaty, he averred, drew mostly from the continued build-up of misperceptions and political distrust between the governments of Pakistan and India. Put differently, it was the politics rather than the Indus Waters Treaty that needed to be fixed. Environmental historians and rivers In contrast to the huffing and puffing over contemporary geopolitical anxiety, environmental historians (the new kids on the block) have put forward a very different understanding. Daniel Haines in Rivers Divided argued that India and Pakistan worried most about stabilising territorial claims within the freshly drawn political borders, following their respective independence from British colonial rule in 1947. While India drew upon the notion of 'absolute sovereignty', implying that all rivers flowing within its territory became exclusively Indian flows. Pakistan argued for the principle of 'prior appropriation', meaning that the past usage of the Indus waters for their canal networks entitled them to have prior claims over the rivers. That is, Pakistan sought to privilege history while India believed that rights flowed from geography. The Indus rivers, in other words, were always going to be haunted by the new geopolitical tensions that were freshly unleashed by decolonisation and nation-making. David Gilmartin's Blood and Water, in a detailed study of the Indus basin reminds us that the region prior to the 19th century was, in fact, thickly peopled by nomadic, transhumant and pastoral tribes, who seasonally migrated between the surrounding hills and the interfluves (bars). It was only following the consolidation of British rule, that the basin got re-imagined as a howling desert that required large scale irrigation engineering projects. The vast semi-arid flood plains ─ sandwiched between the Indus and Gangetic River systems ─ were consequently turned into settled agricultural zones. Beginning with the Upper Bari Doab Canal (1859) and the Sirhind system (1882), the colonial irrigation drive climaxed with its 'most ambitious' irrigation project ─ the Triple Canal Project (1916). By the early decades of the 20th century, the Indus system was one of most engineered geographies in the world, with a massive grid of channels, diversion structures, dams, weirs and drainage lines. A once heterogeneous collection of people and places had, in effect, been radically transformed through imperial science, hydraulic technologies, cement and quantitative hydrology into a smoothened landscape dominated by landed property and settled commercial agriculture. Put simply, before the Indus River system was turned into national entities, the flows had been organised as a 'colonial resource regime' , which in the main involved damming and controlling the rivers through a vast artificial network of canals. Unsurprisingly, when the Radcliffe Line announced a hard border between India and Pakistan in August of 1947, the complex web of interconnected flows was unravelled and disarticulated. In the newly created political boundaries, it became the case that several diversion structures, regulators and dams fell on different sides of the border from the canals they had previously diverted waters into. To contain the sudden eruption of a crisis over water amidst the pell-mell of 'partition' – the brutal violence that erupted following the large-scale shuffling of people between India and Pakistan – both sides quickly settled on what was called a 'Standstill Agreement', which was to maintain all existing flows till March 31, 1948. The Agreement, however, failed its first test when on the day it lapsed (April 1st, 1949) the then incipient government of India with great alacrity 'suspended' all supplies. Though flows were eventually restored after 18 'long days', Pakistan had been indelibly 'seared' by the shock. While the division of the Indus system into national rivers not only instantly ignited fresh disputes, colonial engineering legacies and the emerging politics of decolonisation further undermined the region's complex hydrology. In the words of the brilliant Pakistani geographer Majed Akhter, the newly minted countries particularly ignored the ' hydrological bonds ' or 'hydrologic interconnectivity' between the various tributaries and within the basin region. Governments, in other words, even as they fought over the quantity of waters remained blind to viewing the rivers as qualitative ecological processes. River ecology emerges From the 1980s, the belief that rivers are merely moving masses of water has, in fact, been conceptually challenged. In the changed framework, rivers are more carefully studied as geomorphologic, chemical and biological processes that are made up of a rich mosaic of habitats which make aquatic life possible. It is now widely understood that variable flows create and maintain a range of ecological relationships between the channel, floodplain, wetland and the estuary. Wetlands, moreover, are important nursery grounds for fish and provide habitats for various kinds of flora and fauna. The Indus basin in such a reckoning can be thus more meaningfully grasped as a weave of ecological webs that entangle Pakistan and India within a single inter-connected environmental bloc rather than as nations divided by rivers. This shift in perspective which treats rivers as a 'natural endowment' brimming with ecological services instead of a 'natural resource' to be dammed and diverted becomes particularly significant in the contemporary context of global warming. As a natural endowment, the Indus River system moreover is no longer limited to being a captive of the expertise of the engineer. Instead, it can now be assessed more broadly through a whole slew of different knowledges. That is, the river can be assembled as a multi-dimensional entity through conversations between biologists, ecologists, local histories, fishing groups, ichthyologists, farmers, irrigators and so on. In other words, the quantitative engineering vision gets decentered with an emphasis, in turn, on understanding the varied ecological and social qualities that makes up flows. Such a perspectival shift to an ecological river, moreover, acquires considerable significance in the contemporary context of global warming. Increasingly, there are growing alarms about climate uncertainties: receding glaciers and the palpable increase in extreme weather events such as heat waves, extraordinary flooding or intense droughts. In 2010, for example, Pakistan witnessed an unprecedented climate shock. Following the unusual halting of an entire jet stream over the western Himalayas sometime in July of that year an intense precipitation episode followed. Such was the intensity that four months of rainfall fell, by one estimate, in the span of a few days. The devastation brought on by the 'great floods' of 2010 proved to be mind boggling. In one survey, 21 million people were declared as having been impacted. Close to 1,700 people or more perished and 1.8 million homes were damaged or destroyed. In its wake, the floods also rummaged through 2.3 million hectares of standing crops and brought about a loss of $5 billion to the agriculture sector alone and another $4 billion to physical and social infrastructure. In sum, climate change impacts in the very near future will not be trifling and are expected to engulf the entire basin region. Climate change and infrastructures for peace The need and urgency to mitigate climate change impacts will demand basin level strategies such as technical coordination, social cooperation and the building of high levels of trust to develop and sustain resilience capacities. Close to 300 million people currently inhabit the Indus Basin region, which stretches across the countries of Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and India. Of these, the major share of 47% and 39% of the populace are in Pakistan and India, respectively. To talk of weaponising the Indus Waters Treaty, therefore, is not only being entirely unmindful and irresponsible in the face of the broader basin wide threats that climate change impacts will bring, but it will also undermine the urgent efforts to speedily help South Asia overcome its flawed and troubled colonial resource and river control legacies. Recovering the idea of the ecological river and developing the notion of flows as natural endowments will, in fact, be crucial to how hopeful futures for a climate impacted region can be envisioned. On the other hand, will creating a large-scale humanitarian crisis in Pakistan by abrogating the Indus Waters Treaty or haphazardly scrambling flows stop terrorism? If the horrors inflicted on the people of Gaza by an arrogant Israeli government is any indication, the world at large rapidly loses sympathy for any state action that targets innocent women and children for crimes created by armed men. Instead, both countries have it within their means to turn the Indus Waters Treaty into an 'infrastructure for peace'. That is, by reimagining the intricate river network as sources for resilience and cooperation across the Indus basin, constituencies for peace can be created. Is this sounding too idealistic and impractical? There is no magic bullet against terrorism and the only real meaningful strategy is to make violence politically unsustainable. If war is not a real option, then only peace is possible.


India Gazette
an hour ago
- India Gazette
"MP govt made such policies under PM Modi leadership that people's trust in India increased": Mohan Yadav
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