Film Body Urges PM Modi To Ban Digital Presence Of Pakistani Artists In India
The All Indian Cine Workers Association (AICWA) has issued a formal appeal to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, demanding a complete and permanent ban on the digital and media presence of all Pakistani nationals and entertainment-related entities in India.
In a statement shared through its official X account, the association expressed concern over the reappearance of Pakistani actors and media channels on Indian digital platforms.
PRESS RELEASE
Date: 2nd July 2025
From: All Indian Cine Workers Association (AICWA)
Subject: Urgent Appeal to Honourable Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi Ji Regarding the Reappearance of Pakistani Artists' Social Media & Channels in India – AICWA Demands Immediate and… pic.twitter.com/YQf0d6wZRz
— All Indian Cine Workers Association (@AICWAOfficial) July 2, 2025
AICWA cited the active social media presence of Pakistani celebrities such as Mawra Hocane and Yumna Zaidi, along with several Pakistan-based entertainment outlets, calling it "an emotional assault" on the families of victims of terrorism.
"This is not merely a digital appearance, it is a direct insult to the sacrifice of our martyred soldiers," the association said.
It referenced terror attacks including 26/11, Pulwama, Uri, and Pahalgam as part of its appeal, reiterating its long-standing position that Pakistan is responsible for continued cross-border terrorism.
AICWA also raised objections to statements allegedly made by Pakistani public figures following India's recent Operation Sindoor, stating that "instead of showing remorse, several Pakistani artists have shamelessly spoken against India."
Highlighting the cultural disconnect already in place from Pakistan's side, AICWA pointed out that Indian films and content remain banned in Pakistan since the Pulwama attack.
The association questioned why Indian platforms should allow any exposure to Pakistani artists under these circumstances.
The appeal further stated, "India has diplomatic and cultural relations with nearly 200 nations across the globe. Cutting off Pakistan completely will have zero negative impact on our economy or entertainment industry."
The organisation called for a nationwide digital blackout of Pakistani social media accounts and media channels, a ban on all future collaborations involving Pakistani citizens across Indian media, OTT platforms, advertising and a permanent cultural disconnect with Pakistan, as a tribute to India's armed forces and martyrs.
The Pahalgam attack, which claimed the lives of 26 civilians and injured several others, was widely condemned by Indian officials and has significantly heightened public sentiment against cross-border terrorism.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hans India
10 minutes ago
- Hans India
US may not impose additional 25 pc tariffs on India over Russian oil, hints Trump
New Delhi: The Donald Trump administration may not impose secondary tariffs on India over purchasing Russian energy, as the US President said that Russia has already lost a key oil client. Speaking to Fox News aboard Air Force One en route to Alaska, Trump said the US may not impose secondary tariffs on countries continuing to buying Russian crude oil. "Well, he (Vladimir Putin) lost an oil client, so to speak, which is India, which was doing about 40 per cent of the oil. China, as you know, is doing a lot…,' said Trump. 'And if I did what's called a secondary sanction, or a secondary tariff, it would be very devastating from their standpoint. If I have to do it, I'll do it. Maybe I won't have to do it,' he added. The secondary 25 per cent tariffs on India are likely to come into effect from August 27. Earlier this week, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said if 'things don't go well' between Trump and Putin at the Alaska summit, then secondary sanctions on India for purchasing Russian oil could go higher. Meanwhile, the government has already said the targeting of India is unjustified and unreasonable. 'Like any major economy, India will take all necessary measures to safeguard its national interests and economic security,' it said. The fact is that India has sharply increased its purchases of oil and gas from America. This, in turn, has led to a reduction in India's trade surplus with the US, which is a major aim of the Trump administration's trade policy. Official figures show that India's oil and gas imports from the US have jumped by as much as 51 per cent from January to June this year. The country's liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports from the US nearly doubled to $2.46 billion in the financial year 2024-25 from $1.41 billion in 2023-24. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had assured in February that India would increase energy imports from the US to $25 billion in 2025 from $15 billion in 2024 to help reduce the trade deficit of the US. This was followed by Government-owned Indian oil and gas companies entering into discussions for more long-term energy purchases from the US companies. New Delhi has also made it clear that it was diversifying its sources of energy imports to reduce dependence on Russian oil. New Delhi has also made it clear that India and the US share a very important strategic relationship that goes beyond trade.
The Wire
10 minutes ago
- The Wire
Why Gautam Adani is a Factor in India-US Ties
Why does Narendra Modi feel the need to protect Adani to that extent vis-à-vis the American investigators? We must get back to the genesis of their relationship in Gujarat to respond – partly – to this puzzle. Gautam Adani was not at all an important businessman before Narendra Modi helped him to grow in Gujarat as chief minister of the state. Adani was born in 1962 in Ratan Pol in the old city of Ahmedabad, his parents having migrated from north Gujarat. At the age of 18, he dropped out of Gujarat University and moved to Bombay, served a stint as a diamond sorter at Mahindra Bros. and then became a diamond trader. He moved to Ahmedabad in 1981 to help his brother, Mahasukh, who was starting a plastic-film manufacturing business. This company was heavily dependent on supplies of PVC. The sole producer of PVC in India at that time was IPCL, which used to supply two tonnes per month to the Adani brothers. But their rapidly growing business needed over 20 tonnes per month. Therefore, Adani began importing plastic granules through the Kandla port. The Adani group then diversified. In 1988, Gautam Adani set up a commodities trading venture called Adani Exports. In the next four years, his import orders grew from 100 metric tonnes (MT) orders to 40,000 MT. In 1991-92, Adani and agribusiness group Cargill were given 3,000 acres of coastal land in Kutch by the Chimanbhai Patel government for salt production. The project fell through after protests by George Fernandes and others, and Cargill pulled out. Adani held on to his land and began thinking of converting Mundra into a big port. In the framework of the nascent liberalisation, the Gujarat Maritime Board decided to allot ports to private companies in a joint venture with the state – an initial list of 10 ports was created, which included Mundra, which was 14m deep (deeper than Kandla at 12m) and allowed it to berth larger ships of 200,000 MT and above. In 1993, the company was incorporated into a limited company with two backers, Adani himself and Rajesh S. Adani, his younger brother. In 1997, Adani Exports Ltd. entered into a joint venture with the Gujarat government to build a mega port at Mundra. Around that time the Adani group established a base in Dubai, where two of the five Adani brothers were primarily in charge of the supply chain of Adani Exports. In 1999, Adani ventured into coal trading for the first time, with a shipment landing at Mundra. In 2000, Adani let P&O Australia, one of the world's largest port operators, set up a container terminal in Mundra. There is no evidence that Gautam Adani and Narendra Modi knew each other before the latter became chief minister, but they became very close soon after, in the aftermath of the 2002 pogrom. As this tragic episode of communal violence disrupted the state economy for weeks, businessmen including senior members of the Confederation of Indian Industry, criticised Modi. Rahul Bajaj, a senior member of the CII, described 2002 as a 'lost year for Gujarat' and challenged Modi with several 'tough questions' during a CII meeting in Delhi in February 2003, where Jamshyd Godrej also raised the issue. In November Azim Premji declared similarly at an IIM Ahmedabad seminar: 'Investors are wary of coming to Gujarat due to the lingering communal tensions in the state apart from its proximity to Pakistan.' Tarun Das, the then director-ceneral of the CII went to Gandhinagar one month after the meeting of the organisation during which Narendra Modi had been criticised in Delhi and told him that the CII leaders 'were very sorry for all that had happened.' But Gautam Adani and other CII members from Gujarat had already analysed the attitude of bigger businessmen from Gujarat as a great opportunity. They formed the 'Resurgent Group of Gujarat' in order to counter what they regarded as 'a concerted attempt by a section to defame Gujarat.' Among them were Dr Karsan Patel and Ambubhai Patel (Nirma group), Indravadan Modi (Cadila Pharmaceuticals), Pankaj Patel (Cadila Healthcares), Chintan Parikh (Ashima) Anil Bakeri (Bakeri group) and, last but not least, Gautam Adani who took a leading role. Like Modi, he was relatively isolated in 2002-03. He was not part of the business establishment either, as evident from his marginal position in terms of interlocking directorates. Both were newcomers to the high table of national politics on the one hand and big business on the other. Also read: Gautam Adani a 'Personal Matter': PM Modi Deflects Question; 'Covering Up Corruption,' Says Opposition When the first Vibrant Gujarat meeting took place in September-October 2003, Adani went further than his colleagues and pledged Rs 150 billion in investments. This was a major turning point of the Adani-Modi relationship: Modi could start to pay back for Adani's support, not only within the CII but in the context of his transition from the role of 'Hindu hriday samrat (ruler of Hindu hearts)' to that of ' vikas purush (one who would bring about development)'. The Adani Port and SEZ (APSEZ) at Mundra (Kutch district) was created the same year to provide cargo handling and other port services. It soon became India's first multi-product port-based SEZ, after Adani was granted 3,585 hectares (ha) of land, including 2,008 ha of forest and 990 ha of gauchar or village grazing land. Two converging investigations have alleged that the Adani Group bought this land, in one area, at a rate ranging from Re 1 to Rs 32 a square metre when the market rate was over Rs 1,500 rupees a square metre and, in another area, at the cost of Rs 10 rupees per sq. m., when the market price there was between Rs 700 and 800 per sq. m. In Mundra, Adani acquired up to 7,350 ha. Forbes argues, on the basis of the signed agreements, that for most of this area 'he got the 30-year, renewable leases for as little as one US cent a square meter (the rate made out at 45 cents a square meter). He in turn has sublet this land to other companies, including state-owned Indian Oil Co., for as much as US$ 11 a square meter. Between 2005 and 2007 at least 1,200 hectares of grazing land was taken away from villagers.' During the 2009 Vibrant Gujarat summit, the Modi government 'signed MoUs allowing the Adani group a Rs-150-billion expansion of its SEZ over the next 15 years. The government topped off its largesse of land to the Adani group with five-year tax breaks of over Rs 32 billion, almost four times what it had marked for redeveloping Kutch after the 2001 earthquake. Government data shows an investment of Rs 1.32 trillion in the Adani SEZ, port, and power plant, but only 38,875 jobs were created. That comes to an astonishing figure of Rs 33.8 million for creating one job...'. This is a clear indication of capital intensity – a question we'll return to below. In 2013, a CAG report pointed out that in the Adani Group's SEZ in Mundra '14 lease deeds for an area of 4,84,326 sq. mt. in MPSEZ were registered during the period from December 2008 to November 2011. However, the Collector had given permission to only one unit [...] Accordingly, the transfer of land admeasuring 4,65,728 sq. mt. by way of lease in the remaining 13 cases were irregular'. The CAG also indicted the Gujarat government for purchasing electricity from the Adani group at an abnormally high price. It pointed out that this 'non-adherence to the terms of Power Purchase Agreement led to short recovery of a penalty of Rs 1.60 billion and passing of undue benefit to a private firm'. In 2012, the Modi-Adani connection was targeted by Arvind Kejriwal, the leader of the Aam Aadmi Party who, the year before, had taken part in anti-corruption campaigns along with Anna Hazare. He accused the Gujarat government of buying power from the Adani Group at Rs 5.45 per unit when the Gujarat Mineral Development Corporation had made a better offer. Gas was another source of income for the Adani group, as it had also acquired a monopolistic position in the supply of CNG in Ahmedabad. In its last report dealing with the Modi government in Gujarat, the CAG reiterated the critique it had made in 2012 against the Adani group and arraigned the Essar group too: "…The purchase of power from the private sector increased to 37.22% (2012-13) from 15.22% (2008-09). Of this increase, the share of Private IPPs in power purchased from private sector [the Adani and the Essar groups], increased to 82.75% (i.e. 22,562.17 million units) in 2012-13 from 66.59% (i.e. 5,653.24 million units) indicating an increase of 300% in purchase of power from them during 2008-09 to 2012-13." The Adani group was also targeted by environmentalists. The Gujarat Coastal Zone Management Authority (GCZMA), in May 2006, formed a subcommittee which reported that the Adani Group had built many bunds in the inter-tidal area and blocked many creeks feeding water to the mangrove patches. To no avail. Four years later, in December 2010 the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) sent an inspection team to follow up on complaints from local inhabitants. The report presented after the visit found many instances of non-compliances. It made the same observations regarding large scale destruction of mangroves and obstruction of creek systems and natural flow of seawater because of reclamation. It made no difference. On September 14, 2012, the Minister of State of Environment and Forests (MoEF), Jayanthi Natarajan constituted a Committee under the Chairmanship of Sunita Nair, the Director General of CSE, for an inspection of Mundra port. It reached the same conclusions as its predecessors. Also read: 'Modi's Hands Tied Due to US Investigation into Adani,' Says Rahul Gandhi All the inspectors and experts have also observed that the Mundra thermal plants of Adani and Tata released fly ash, despite the terms of the 2007 clearance. In 2011 the Gujarat Pollution Control Board Inspection revealed that about 27,127 MT of fly ash was found to be dispersed in low-lying areas of the MPSEZ. The Sunita Nair committee made a similar observation. When Megha Bahree visited the place, she noticed that 'Fly ash and saline water from Adani Power and a nearby Tata Power Co. Ltd. plant are spoiling the crops and making the soil less fertile…'. The Sunita Nair committee recommended a Rs 2 billion environment restoration fund (ERF), but no penalty was imposed on either company by the government. In 2016, the Gujarat high court appointed another committee to enquire about the degradation caused by the Mundra port. It came to the same conclusion as its predecessor but, says environmentalist Mahesh Pandya, 'If you ask the Gujarat Pollution Control Board or the state environment and forest department how many notices they have served to the company, you will find none.' By the end of Modi's chief ministership, the combined market value of Adani Enterprises, Adani Power and Adani Ports and Special Economic Zones (APSEZ) were close to the value of Reliance Industries – whereas the Adani group was five hundred times smaller only 13 years before, in 2001. Indeed, the turnover of the group rose more than 20-fold, from Rs 37.41 billion in 2001-02 to Rs 756.59 billion in 2013-14. In fact, the rise of the Adani group accelerated in 2013 and 2014 when Modi became a strong contender to the post of Prime Minister: the market capitalisation of its companies increased by 250% between September 2013 – when Narendra Modi was declared the BJP's official candidate for prime ministership – and September 2014. Between September 2013 and May 2014, the wealth of Gautam Adani had already increased by Rs 501.31 billion because of the market capitalisation of his companies (it increased by Rs 18 billion every day during the week that followed Modi's electoral success). Mukesh Ambani's wealth increased by 'only' Rs 305.03 billion rupees (US$ 3.81 billion) during the same period. This sudden prosperity could be explained only by Adani's close relation with Narendra Modi – which became obvious when Modi used Adani's chartered plane on his campaign trail across India in the run-up to the 2014 elections. On May 22, 2014, the day he was sworn in as prime minister, he flew to New Delhi from Ahmedabad in Adani's private aircraft, the Indian flag embossed on the aircraft to his right, and on his left, an embossed logo of the Adani Group – the duo was transitioning from the state to the national level. Today's situation is the legacy of these Gujarat years which saw the making of a new oligarch. Since then, the mutual dependence has further deepened. Both men need each other in a very classic manner: the politician offers protection to the crorepatti who pays for his expenditures – including election campaigns whose cost represented billions of dollars in 2014, 2019 and 2024. Whether Narendra Modi can help Gautam Adani to escape from the American investigations remains to be seen as easily as from the Indian ones. In diplomatic relations, there are wheels within wheels. This article draws from my latest book: Gujarat under Modi. The Blueprint of Today's India, Bangalore, Westland/Context, 2024. Christophe Jaffrelot is Senior Research Fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, Professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at King's College London, Non resident Scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Chair of the British Association for South Asian Studies. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement
New Indian Express
10 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Coimbatore dentist held in 2016 Malappuram arms case is a terrorist, says NIA
KOCHI: The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has said that Dr Dinesh D, a Coimbatore-based dentist, is a hard-core terrorist who underwent training in sophisticated weapons, including automatic rifles, to further the activities of the banned terrorist organisation CPI (Maoist) as part of a larger conspiracy to wage war against the nation. The Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) had arrested him in 2021 from a clinic at Edayarpalayam, Coimbatore, where he was working as a dentist. The NIA stated that Dr Dinesh, the fourth accused, and the other accused persons had voluntarily convened a meeting and training camp in September 2016 in the reserve forest of Karulai in Malappuram district. During the camp, they handled arms, including automatic rifles, the central agency said while opposing the accused's bail plea before the Special Court for NIA cases in Kochi. Considering the gravity of the offence, the court recently dismissed the bail plea. Challenging the decision, the accused has approached the Kerala High Court, where the matter is pending consideration. According to the bail order, the Kerala Police and ATS Kerala had arraigned 25 accused in the case. Of these, eight have died in different incidents and four remain absconding. The ATS filed a chargesheet against five accused before the District and Sessions Court, Manjeri, on May 18, 2021. On August 19, 2021, the Union government directed the NIA to take over the investigation and the case was re-registered. The NIA investigation revealed that the accused persons numbered 1 to 28 had conspired with the proscribed organisation and conducted or attended training camps at various places in India to further its activities. The accused's counsel submitted before the Special Court that he has been in detention for more than four years and four months in connection with the case. Given the large number of documents, material objects, and witnesses, the trial is unlikely to be completed in the near future. It was argued that such prolonged custody violates the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution.
