SAG-AFTRA's Chief Negotiator Is Open to White House Efforts to Boost Movie Production In U.S.
Duncan Crabtree-Ireland, the staff leader of the 160,000-strong performers' union, said in a statement on Monday that 'SAG-AFTRA supports efforts to increase movie, television and streaming production in the United States.' Crabtree-Ireland noted that the union will continue to 'advocate for policies that strengthen our competitive position, accelerate economic growth and create good middle class jobs for American workers.'
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The labor leader added that the union is looking forward to learning more specifics of the plan and to 'advancing a dialogue to achieve our common goals.'
Crabtree-Ireland is the first out of the gate amongst Hollywood's labor leaders to publicly respond to the notion that Trump put forward in a Truth Social post on Sunday. At the time, Trump called for a '100% tariff' on 'any and all Movies coming into our Country that are produced in Foreign Lands.' Trump did not mention television shows or digital media projects in his post.
The White House later walked that assertion back a bit, with a White House spokesperson telling The Hollywood Reporter that 'no final decisions' have been made regarding the tariffs idea.
Hollywood industry leaders, including some in labor, have been reeling following Trump's Sunday announcement. Several unions had been working on potential legislation to create a federal tax incentive for U.S.-produced projects and were focused on that effort when Trump's tariffs message came through.
More to come.
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The Hill
28 minutes ago
- The Hill
Generational cracks on Israel grow on the right
The Movement is a weekly newsletter tracking the influence and debates steering politics on the right. Sign up here or in the box below. Dramatic shifts in public opinion on Israel that have emerged as the war in Gaza drags on are not just affecting the left side of the political spectrum. Cracks are propagating in a Republican Party and right wing that have been historically supportive of the country. Skepticism of Israel from younger Republicans is increasing as the party debates the meaning of 'America First,' a dynamic that's being reflected on some of the biggest conservative stages and megaphones even as other Republicans double down on their Israel support. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) is going further than even many of her progressive colleagues in accusing Israel of 'genocide' in Gaza. Turning Point USA, the largest conservative youth group in the country, hosted a major debate at its summer conference on how much support the U.S. should give Israel — with attendees cheering both sides. Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who has often been the sole GOP vote against pro-Israel measures in the House as he takes a staunch noninterventionist stance on foreign policy, told me he senses a shift on the right. 'I think people are being more vocal now,' Massie said. 'They're probably saying things they thought before but were afraid to say, and now that more people are saying them, it's sort of a cascade effect.' Massie said he's seen that change in support for Israel reflected in internal polls in his district that he's conducted for the last decade. Public surveys show the same thing. A March Pew poll found that 53 percent of surveyed U.S. adults had an unfavorable view of Israel, up from 42 percent in 2022. That negative view is most pronounced among Democratic adults, whose unfavorable views of Israel went up to 69 percent — a dynamic that is dramatically reshaping how Democratic lawmakers are approaching Israel. But there was also a stark shift among Republicans under the age of 50, whose unfavorable views of Israel shot up from 35 percent in 2022 to 50 percent in 2025. Rep. Randy Fine (R-Fla.), who is Jewish and is one of the most vocal defenders of Israel in Congress, said the increasing skepticism of Israel among younger Republicans is due to 'Muslim propaganda.' 'Conservatives generally have a big heart, so those things are going to have some impact on public polling,' Fine told me in a phone interview, going on to deny widespread reports of starvation in Gaza. 'The only people starving in Gaza are the hostages.' The division, though, is not yet large enough to challenge the overwhelming Republican support for Israel. Morton Klein, president of the Zionist Organization of America, said that aside from Massie and Greene, Republicans on Capitol Hill have remained 'extremely strong on Israel' and argued that President Trump has been 'stronger on Israel than any president we've ever had.' The Trump administration has notably cited antisemitism on college campuses amid protests of Israel as a basis for cracking down on colleges and universities. A large bipartisan group of congressional lawmakers traveled to Israel with the American Israel Education Foundation, a group affiliated with the powerful American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) also traveled to Israel this month. AIPAC spokesperson Marshall Wittmann sent me this comment: 'Reps. Greene and Massie's views and votes on Israel are more aligned with Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez [D-N.Y.], Rashida Tlaib [D-Mich.] and Ilhan Omar [D-Minn.] than any of their Republican House colleagues, who overwhelmingly stand with the Jewish state. Only a few weeks ago, the House resoundingly rejected an anti-Israel amendment offered by Rep. Greene by a vote of 422-6. These extremists are in a distinct minority because they would betray an American ally that shares our values and interests.' Massie and Greene have largely argued against U.S. support for Israel from a noninterventionist, 'America First' perspective. 'They're not a poor country. They don't need our handouts,' Massie said. 'I've been making the economic case, and recently started making the moral case that we shouldn't be sending them the money because their bombing of Gaza's led to tens of thousands of civilian deaths.' Asked about that interpretation of 'America First,' Fine pointed to the hundreds of thousands of American citizens who live in Israel. 'Saying that they should all die doesn't sound like a very America First position.' A chunk of the anti-Israel messages circulating in right-wing circles online are clearly antisemitic — a charge that has also been lobbed at elected Republican critics of Israel. 'I always say, neither party has a monopoly on antisemitism,' Fine said of criticism of Israel from within the GOP. 'I think their voices have been amplified in recent months. But you know, for every one elected Republican antisemite, there are hundreds who stand with Israel.' Massie said of the antisemitism attacks: 'I think they're wearing the word out. … It's ridiculous that you would say somebody's antisemitic based on a vote on legislation.' Still, the Kentucky congressman doesn't expect to see many other elected Republicans to pipe up with Israel criticism. 'Everybody else is still afraid of, basically, Trump and AIPAC,' Massie said. In case you missed it, I chatted with Greene about her decision to dub Israel's actions in Gaza a genocide earlier this month. Welcome to The Movement, a weekly newsletter looking at the influences and debates on the right in Washington. I'm Emily Brooks, House leadership reporter at The Hill. Tell me what's on your radar: ebrooks@ Not already on the list? Subscribe here FROM BANNON GUEST TO BLS PICK President Trump's nomination of Heritage Foundation economist E.J. Antoni to head the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) — coming after Trump fired the agency's previous head after accusing her of rigging jobs numbers — is kicking off widespread skepticism and concerns about politicization of critical data that will define Antoni's upcoming Senate confirmation. Antoni is largely a product of the conservative movement. Before Heritage, he was an economist at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, the major conservative think tank in the state that also produced now-Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts. His profile on the site boasts of his work being featured in a litany of conservative outlets and organizations. One of Antoni's most notable boosters was Steve Bannon, the former senior adviser to Trump who has maintained a prominent perch on the right through his ' War Room ' show. Antoni had appeared on Bannon's show. But the selection of the ideological Antoni — and some of his suggestions for the agency — have raised eyebrows. Antoni told Fox News before his nomination that 'the BLS should suspend issuing the monthly jobs reports, but keep publishing more accurate, though less timely, quarterly data,' since BLS data is often subject to revision. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent later told Bloomberg TV that he did not support the idea of suspending the monthly job reports, while defending Antoni's qualifications. 'I was there when E.J. was interviewed, and he is incredibly qualified,' Bessent said. 'I think the most important thing here is that we get back to the integrity of the numbers, because it just became OK — just like so many things in our government — for it to get sloppy.' Go in depth on Antoni: Trump stuns Wall Street, Washington with controversial BLS nominee, from my colleague Tobias Burns … 'Underlying motives': Why Trump's BLS pick is in for a fight, from Politico's Nick Niedzwiadek and Sam Sutton … The Partisan Economist Trump Wants to Oversee the Nation's Data, from The Wall Street Journal's Paul Kiernan. EARMARKS BATTLE SET TO HEAT UP With the Sept. 30 government funding deadline rapidly approaching, get ready for a big internal GOP battle over earmarks — or community project finding, as they're known in their newest form — when Congress returns. 'The return of earmarks to the annual appropriations bills has sparked a battle among Republicans on Capitol Hill, pitting fiscal hawks against members of the Appropriations Committees and their allies,' my colleague Alex Bolton reports. The dynamic is set to complicate Republicans' path to avoiding a government shutdown, which is already tricky given they will need Democratic support in the Senate to do so. Republican appropriators and beyond are working hard to try to steer funding to their home states, but that is set to clash with fiscal hawks who balk at any increased government spending — a sentiment that has become a core part of the GOP. ON MY CALENDAR Thursday, Aug. 21: The American Enterprise Institute hosts an event on 'The Power of Presence: Sustaining Progress in Reducing Chronic Absenteeism' at 3 p.m. Monday, Aug. 25, to Thursday, Aug. 28: State Policy Network annual meeting in New Orleans. THREE MORE THINGS Last week in The Movement, I wrote about whether Trump's takeover of D.C. police could lead to conservatives getting more interested in cities they have historically loved to hate. Jack Posobiec, activist and editor at Human Events, had an interesting take separating conservatives into two camps, 'ruralcon' and 'citycon.' 'For decades, the American Right has been dominated by the image of the rural conservative — the pickup-driving, small-town patriot with deep roots in red-state soil. You can't help but love this guy,' he wrote. 'But there's a new archetype emerging on the New Right: the citycon — the disaffected conservative trapped behind enemy lines in a blue-state metropolis.' Right-wing provocateur Laura Loomer had a deposition as part of her defamation lawsuit against comedian Bill Maher that was ' uncomfortably revealing,' as The Bulwark's Will Sommer put it, with NSFW 'did-she-really-say-that' digs at Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.). Are the Epstein files finally coming? House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) said the Department of Justice will start turning over documents related to its investigation of the sex offender on Friday — a few days later than the Tuesday deadline set in the panel's subpoena that it issued pursuant to a Democratic-led motion in a subcommittee last month. WHAT I'M READING
The Hill
28 minutes ago
- The Hill
Homes are selling at the slowest summer pace in a decade: Redfin
High prices and economic uncertainty are keeping homes on the market longer, making last month the slowest July in a decade. The typical home that went under contract in July spent 43 days on the market — up from 35 days a year earlier and the longest span for any July since 2015, according to new Redfin data. It's another sign that buyers are gaining leverage after years of tight inventory, though the extent of that advantage varies by region. In Florida, homes are taking much longer to sell, over 90 days in some cities. West Palm Beach (95 days), Fort Lauderdale (92 days) and Miami (86 days) were the slowest major markets in the country last month. Demand in the Sunshine State has eased after a red-hot pandemic-era surge pushed prices higher and fueled a construction boom. Rising insurance costs and the threat of natural disasters have also deterred buyers. Homes in other Sunbelt boom towns, including Austin, Texas (68 days), Phoenix (67 days) and San Antonio (66 days), are also lingering on the market longer than the national average. Elevated mortgage rates and high prices dampened the spring homebuying season. Coupled with uncertainty over President Trump's tariffs and a cooling job market, it's no surprise families are staying put. One silver lining: slower demand has helped boost the housing supply across much of the country, giving buyers more bargaining power than they've had in years. Sellers are making concessions, and fewer homes are going above asking price compared to just a few years ago. That said, many cities — especially more affordable markets in the Midwest — remain hot. In Indianapolis, the typical home that went under contract last month spent just 17 days on the market — the shortest span for any major market, according to Redfin. Homes also sold quickly in Kansas City, Mo. (18 days), Warren, Mich. (18 days) and Detroit (19 days). July's time on the market reflects more of a return to normal than a historic slowdown. At 43 days, it was roughly in line with the national July norm from 2014 to 2016, Redfin data shows. Back in the summer of 2012, in the aftermath of the Great Recession, the typical U.S. home lingered for 69 days. The 10 major metros where homes lingered the longest in July, according to Redfin West Palm Beach, Fla.: 95 days Fort Lauderdale, Fla: 92 days Miami: 86 days Jacksonville, Fla: 75 days Austin, Tex: 68 days Phoenix: 67 days San Antonio: 66 days Nashville, Tenn.: 60 days Las Vegas: 55 days Charlotte, N.C.: 55 days
USA Today
28 minutes ago
- USA Today
The good news and bad news as Trump seeks Ukraine deal with Putin
Hurtling toward talks between Zelenskyy and Putin, the days of slow-as-you-go diplomacy are clearly over in the age of Trump. The good news is President Donald Trump is determined to make a deal, and fast, to end the grinding war in Ukraine. For the leaders of Ukraine and Europe, that could be the bad news, too. Concern about what Trump would be willing to cede to Russia in his supercharged effort to reach an accord − the prime exhibit in his open campaign to win the Nobel Peace Prize − drew an extraordinary group of European leaders to the White House to back up Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at a pivotal moment for Kyiv. More: Zelenskyy gets warmer White House reception: Takeaways from high stakes Trump meeting In the East Room on August 18, America's strongest allies wrapped layers of praise for Trump's leadership around warnings about the need to reach a ceasefire before negotiations begin, and before Ukraine is pressured to give up swaths of land to the nation that launched its latest invasion more than three years ago. But Russian President Vladimir Putin ruled out a ceasefire at his own meeting with Trump, this one in Alaska three days earlier, and he apparently won him over. Facing a united front from NATO and the European Community, from the leaders of France and Germany and Great Britain, Trump on Monday found himself more closely aligned on this key question with Moscow. On his way to Alaska, Trump had called a ceasefire crucial, threatening "serious consequences" if Russia didn't agree. But after Putin's flat nyet, Trump in the East Room described a ceasefire as a nice idea but not an imperative. More: Trump and Zelenskyy meet again, but Putin has faced Trump, other presidents many times Trump said the United States was prepared to participate in security guarantees for Ukraine, a significant step and one Putin indicated a willingness to consider. That surely increases the pressure on Zelenskyy to agree to what Trump calls "land swaps," perhaps including giving away territory that Russia has not yet won on the battlefield. Putin has demanded the Donbas, an area rich in industry and strategically located. Zelenskyy has rejected the idea of ceding any land. Foreign policy in an age of Trump 2.0 The whirlwind of developments in the space of a few days was a telling display of foreign policy in the age of Trump 2.0. For one thing, the tradition of slow-as-you-go diplomacy, of meticulous meetings by aides to hash out the details before the principals meet, has been replaced by sweeping declarations from the top − often streamed live to the world and updated in real time on Truth Social. For another, any inclination by foreign leaders during Trump's first term to challenge him too directly has been replaced by a strategy of flattery. More: A Nobel Peace Prize for Trump? World leaders are lining up That's true for Putin. He is a former KGB agent who has led the Kremlin with an iron hand for a quarter century. But on this, Putin has persuaded Trump that he has Trump's own interests at heart. "I think he wants to make a deal for me," Trump told French President Emmanuel Macron as they gathered for a group photo in the White House Cross Hall, a private aside picked up by a hot mic. "Do you understand? As crazy as it sounds." It's true for Zelenskyy, who showed up at the White House in a dark suit − a concession to Trump's complaints about his usual military-style attire at his last visit. That encounter imploded into acrimony. In the Oval Office this time, he heaped praise on the president. "Thank you very much for your efforts," he told Trump. Vice President JD Vance, who had laced into Zelenskyy in February's meeting for ingratitude, sat on the couch next to the president, silent and smiling. It was apparent among the European leaders, too. NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte launched a round-robin of praise." "I really want to thank you, President of the United States, dear Donald," he said, crediting him with "breaking the deadlock" on the war and "starting the dialogue" for peace. More: Ukraine's Zelenskyy avoids Trump mauling at White House. Will he get Putin meeting? Zelenskyy and other leaders expressed particular appreciation for Trump's willingness to support security guarantees, though European forces would be expected to take the lead and the U.S. role hasn't been defined. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz raised the most direct caution of the day. "The next steps are the more complicated ones," he said, adding: "I can't imagine that the next meeting would take place without a ceasefire." A play for peace or a play for time? Just when and where that next meeting would take place isn't clear, but Merz later told reporters it was supposed to happen within the next two weeks. Trump had "paused" his conversation with the European leaders to hold a 40-minute phone call with Putin. Afterwards, he said he "began the arrangements" for a meeting, at a location to be determined, between Putin and Zelenskyy. "After that meeting takes place, we will have a Trilat, which would be the two Presidents, plus myself," he said in a social-media post. Skeptics warn that Putin is playing for time, for the opportunity to keep hammering Ukraine on the battlefield while giving lip service to seeking peace. Putin has another long-standing goal, too: To drive a wedge in the Western alliance that was forged in the aftermath of World War II, in large part as a check on Moscow. An expansionist Russia and a divided alliance is also the European leaders' greatest fear − not only for Ukraine's sake but also for their own. "The optimism of your president is to be taken seriously," Macron told NBC after he left the White House. But he expressed little of Trump's confidence in his new peace partner. "When I look at the situation and the facts, I don't see President Putin very willing to get peace now."
